Forty Ss from introductory psychology classes participated in a study to determine whether or not the investigator's group Social Expectations Scale (SES) was a useful research instrument and to determine whether or not intelligence was a factor determining the fit of a particular cognitive model, the BSE, to the social expectations of Ss as measured by the SES.

Ninety-six Ss, forty-eight white males and forty-eight white females, from introductory psychology classes at North Texas State University participated in a study of interracial attitudes and social expectations.

The study explored the possibility that the perceived mother-child relationship of children with learning disabilities differs from that of normal children. It was further hypothesized that the manner in which the child perceives his relationship to his mother is related to the perception he has of his society in general.

Abstract  The severe situation of female child soldiers worldwide continues, and the harsh reality they stand in front of once returning back to their communities is often concealed. By the time former female child soldiers begin their journey back to civilian life and a life of dignity, they face various difficulties. Females are often exposed to marginalisation, stigmatisation, discrimination and isolation, and their livelihood and safety tend to be jeopardised. Females are often disregarded and are desperately fighting a battle to become accepted and to receive needed assistance. Since gender roles and gender identities vary around the world and between regions, communities tend to treat females and males very differently. Expectations of females vary depending on structures in communities and therefore communities tend to treat females in a certain way. This study seeks to explore national reintegration strategies in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and how the gap between these strategies and traditional cultural and social expectations of females affect reintegration processes in the country. The complex situation of female child soldiers in the DRC in terms of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR), with particular focus on reintegration is addressed in this thesis. The objective of this study is to analyse to what extent national reintegration strategies in the DRC are adapted to meet the needs of females and their home community. The findings indicate that the national program of DDR in the DRC, the PNDDR, is not aligned with existing cultural and social expectations of females, which have major consequences in reintegration processes. The findings demonstrate that there are many systems which are vital and have to be considered for reintegration to be effective. These systems have to be considered by the PNDDR on a broader level since there are shortcomings in these systems. It is significant to have knowledge about females to be able to streamline DDR processes and once designing programs of DDR. If reintegration of females is unsuccessful, this has negative effects for peace. This study draws on qualitative approaches and a desk study is performed. A created analytical framework taking surrounding environments, child development and social and cultural components into account is used. Keywords: DDR, DRC, Females, Reintegration, Traditional Social Expectations, Traditional Cultural Expectations

The focus of this study is aristocratic fathers and sons in the middle and late Roman Republic (264 – 27 B.C.). By considering legal, literary, and material evidence, it addresses the behaviour of elite families throughout this period. Although there is a great deal of important research conducted on family relations in the ancient world more generally, there is no extensive study which analyses the bonds of duty, obligation, and affection between fathers and sons in republican Rome. It is this gap in the scholarship which is addressed in my thesis. The key aspects of this relationship are considered through several interconnected chapters. Each reflects the social nature of this analysis, and demonstrates that traditional values, dynastic considerations, and social ideals promoted a sense of common identity and unity within the household. Although the hierarchical nature of Roman family life also provided opportunities for conflict between father and son, ultimately the relationship between the two was governed by these three concerns, as well as the close correlation between public and private in the lives of the republican elite. The discussion begins by considering the high valuation of fatherhood at Rome, evidenced by the use of terms derived from pater, and argues that the qualities expected of this individual were similar to those associated with the ideal statesman (Ch. I). From there, depictions of the Roman father by Greek and Roman authors are analysed to show that the former often emphasised the morality of the episode in question, while the latter stressed the conflict between the well-being of the family and the safety of the state (Ch. II). The argument then moves on to explore social expectations. Cicero’s Pro Roscio Amerino provides an example in which the ideals for father and son relationships are manipulated in order to persuade an audience (Ch. III). This shows that pietas, duty, companionship, and support towards one another were recognised as norms for these individuals. The discussion of the paterfamilias in the following chapter demonstrates that he was expected to act as a role model for future generations, and to provide education and protection to his dependants (Ch. IV). The reputation and continuity of the family line were also important considerations for the aristocratic head of household. From there, traditional values, dynastic considerations, and social ideals are explored through the family life-cycle (Ch. V). This section establishes that these three areas fostered a sense of common identity and unity within the household, and exerted significant pressure upon fathers and sons to maintain relatively harmonious relationships. The final chapter considers literary portrayals of Rome’s founders in order to reiterate the close correlation between the ideal of the father and the ideal of the statesman (Ch. VI). It concludes that the use of the father-figure by Augustus and later emperors to legitimise their position in the state develops from the ideological significance of fatherhood in the Republic.

No description available.

More than 600,000 employees depart the hospitality industry for a variety of reasons such as lack of motivational strategies (MS) of hotel general managers (GMs). The purpose of this multiple case study using census sampling was to explore what MS hotel GMs used to enhance employee performance. The 3 GMs of 3 full-service branded hotels with a guest capacity of 160-699 were randomly selected in South Florida. Data were collected from face-to-face interviews with the hotel GMs, employee performance evaluations, and results of guest and employee satisfaction surveys from the hotel GMs. Data analysis involved methodological triangulation to determine how motivation was captured and measured using interpreted data, verification through the member-checking process, and coding techniques such as mind mapping to identify reoccurring codes and categories. Through thematic analysis, 4 major themes emerged: workplace motivation, job satisfaction, positive performance, and social expectation. Findings from the 4 themes revealed that recognition and guest satisfaction unveiled a positive effect on employee performances and that motivation through community engagement gave employees reasons to perform well. The effectiveness of MS on employee performance was conceptualized by the expectancy theory to determine motivational triggers and the behavior engineering model to determine which MS led to improved performance. Social implications include encouraging hotel GMs to adjust and develop motivational strategies that engage employees to improve the employee-customer relationship and to increase community involvement which may promote positive social change.

No description available.

Young women with breast cancer have been found to experience their disease more negatively and more intensely than their older counterparts. However 'young' is not uniformly defined within the literature. Studies have reported on a wide range of ages considered to be 'young', such as samples simply divided by menopausal status or other researcher-defined parameters. For the purpose of this study, young women with breast cancer were defined as those diagnosed at 40 years of age or younger. The overarching aim of the study was to explore the problems faced by this group of young women using qualitative methodology, guided by constructionist epistemology, and grounded in symbolic interactionism and social constructionism. The study was conducted longitudinally, with data collected three times over a 12-18 month period using one-to-one in-depth semi-structured interviews. Baseline data were collected in the first phase of the study (n=35). A sub-group of participants (n=13) were chosen to be followed twice more approximately six months apart, which made up the next two phases. Themes derived from the literature guided the first phase of the study, data collection and analysis. Data analysis was performed after each data collection phase, with findings informing the next phase/s of the study. Thematic and content analysis were utilized in regards to the analysis of the first phase of the study, providing a framework identifying the most pressing concerns, such as those centred around children and partners, emotional aspects and negative physical consequences of treatment. Interrelationships between these themes were apparent. Findings suggest that the emotional support needs of this group of young women remains a challenge. Basic analytical principles of data reduction, data display and drawing conclusions guided the following phases of the analysis. NUD*IST (N6) software was utilized to help undertake in-depth analysis of all follow-up data. The literature concentrates on infertility as a concern for young women with breast cancer, however the study found that fertility per se was a concern for this group of women. Issues of maintained and regained fertility were reported, i.e., concerns surrounding suitable, safe and reliable contraception, pregnancy and breastfeeding after breast cancer. Over time, perceptions of fertility changed. Decisions related to unplanned pregnancies and breastfeeding were particularly onerous. The study also provided other insights into the participants' lives. Body image is suggested to be of greater concern for younger women with breast cancer than their older counterparts. Perceptions of breast symbolism, societal and personal, were explored, as were perceptions of the external portrayal of their bodies. In addition, the participants reported how their experience of breast cancer differed from that of older women with breast cancer, e.g., to be and dress more sexually. Theories and notions of social constructionism and the social construction of the body helped explain the participants' experiences. The women were acutely aware of the sexual importance society placed on women's breasts. Social norms and expectations and cultural trends, that is the youth and beauty culture, were found to greatly influence the participants' perceptions and hence decisions made. Prosthesis use and breast reconstructive surgery were viewed as normalising efforts undertaken by participants to reduce stigma related to breast loss/disfigurement and to enhance body image. The findings from this study provide a greater understanding of the issues, concerns and experiences of young women with breast cancer and provide information that could be utilized in the redesign of educational/information resources to provide these women with relevant information. Currently available support services may also benefit from these findings as greater understanding of these women's experiences may facilitate and promote the provision of more age-appropriate support for young women with breast cancer diagnosed in the future.

Problématique. Cette thèse examine comment la pression sociale — issue de la norme sociale que voter est un devoir civique — influence la décision d’aller voter ou non. La recherche sur la participation électorale est largement dominée par une vision de l’électeur comme étant un acteur individuel et rationnel. Ce faisant, trop peu d’attention a été portée spécifiquement au rôle du cercle social comme vecteur de pression sociale. De plus, une importante littérature en psychologie sociale démontre de la puissante influence des normes sociales et de la pression sociale qui s’en dégage sur les comportements. En science politique, les études expérimentales associées au projet Get-Out-The-Vote (GOTV) ont démontré l’effet causal de la pression sociale sur la participation électorale. Cependant, ces études ne nous aident pas à comprendre comment cette pression s’exerce dans la vie quotidienne, ni à en déterminer la fréquence, l’intensité, ou encore qui l’exerce et qui la subit. Quelques études observationnelles récentes traitent de certaines de ces questions et offrent de premiers éléments de réponse. Cette thèse s’inscrit dans cette littérature émergente, avec pour objectifs de mesurer, décrire et comprendre la pression sociale pour aller voter et son influence sur la participation électorale en dehors d’un contexte expérimental. Questions de recherche. Je cherche à répondre à quatre questions fondamentales sur la pression sociale pour aller voter : 1) Combien ? Quelle proportion de personnes rapportent de la pression sociale pour aller voter et combien de pression reçoivent-elles ? 2) Qui ? Qui émet la pression sociale pour aller voter et qui la subit ? 3) Comment ? Comment la pression sociale pour aller voter s’exerce-t-elle ? Par quel mécanisme influence-t-elle la décision de voter ou non ? 4) Quels effets ? Quel est l’effet de la pression sociale sur la participation électorale et comment est-ce que cet effet varie ? Méthodologie. La thèse se divise en trois chapitres empiriques sous forme d’articles scientifiques. Je présente dans le premier chapitre empirique un portrait descriptif et comparatif de la pression sociale à partir de données de 65 études électorales dans 11 pays, totalisant environ 287 000 répondants et plus de 872 000 mesures de pression sociale. Je me concentre dans les deux autres chapitres empiriques sur le rôle et l’influence des attentes de désapprobation de l’abstention sur la participation électorale. Je cherche dans le second chapitre empirique à comprendre les déterminants des attentes de désapprobation ainsi que l’intersection entre le devoir civique et la désapprobation. Pour ce faire, j’utilise les données d’un module de questions original administré dans l’Étude électorale autrichienne de 2019. Je m’intéresse dans le dernier article empirique au rôle de modération de la visibilité du comportement sur la désapprobation ; les gens devraient voter pour éviter la désapprobation des autres seulement s’ils pensent que les autres seront au courant de leur décision. Je mobilise pour ce chapitre les données d’un second module de questions original, administré cette fois dans l’Étude électorale canadienne de 2019. Résultats obtenus. Mes analyses confirment que la pression sociale pour aller voter est très présente dans la société. La pression sociale descriptive est plus fréquente que celle injonctive et ses effets sur la pression sociale sont plus stables. En fait, je trouve que la pression sociale injonctive influence la décision de voter dans la moitié des études. D’autre part, mes analyses montrent que la pression sociale est plus fréquente et plus forte lorsqu’elle provient de personnes plus proches dans notre réseau, comme la famille et le partenaire. Elle est également plus forte chez les personnes plus éduquées, plus riches, et plus âgées. Les personnes ayant un sens élevé du devoir civique rapportent également plus de pression sociale, mais ne semblent pas influencées par cette pression. Contrairement aux attentes théoriques, je ne trouve pas d’effet de modération de la visibilité du comportement sur l’influence de la désapprobation. Enfin, je trouve également que la pression sociale varie surtout sur le plan la mesure. Conclusions. Cette thèse confirme le rôle crucial de la pression sociale comme déterminant de la participation électorale. Elle contribue à notre compréhension générale des normes sociales, et de leur influence spécifique sur la participation. Ceci est important, car la participation électorale est l’un des piliers caractérisant un système démocratique en bonne santé. Mieux comprendre le mécanisme de pression sociale contribuera au développement d’outils de mobilisation efficaces, éthiques et non partisans pour pallier au déclin de la participation électorale au Canada et ailleurs dans le monde. Cette thèse a également des conséquences méthodologiques importantes pour la mesure de la pression sociale et avance de nouvelles théories pour comprendre la participation électorale et l’influence de la pression sociale. En somme, cette thèse pose de bases solides pour de futures recherches sur la pression sociale pour aller voter. / Background. This dissertation examines how social pressure — stemming from the social norm that voting is a civic duty — influences the decision to vote or not. Research on electoral participation is largely dominated by a view of the voter as an individual and a rational actor. Hence, too little attention has been paid specifically to the role of the social circle as a vector of social pressure. Moreover, a large body of literature in social psychology demonstrates the powerful influence of social norms and the social pressure they generate on behaviour. In political science, experimental studies associated with the Get-Out-The-Vote (GOTV) project have demonstrated the causal effect of social pressure on voter turnout. However, these studies do not help us to understand how social pressure is exerted in everyday life, to determine its frequency and intensity, or who exerts it and who receives it. Recent observational studies have sought to answer these questions and offer some initial answers. This thesis is part of this emerging literature, with the objectives of measuring, describing and understanding the social pressure to vote and its influence on electoral participation outside an experimental context. Research questions. I am seeking to answer four fundamental questions about the social pressure to vote: 1) How much? How many people report social pressure to vote, and how much pressure do they report? 2) Who? Who exerts social pressure to vote, and who experiences it? 3) How? How does the social pressure to vote mechanism work? How does it influence the decision to vote or not? 4) What effects? What are the effects of social pressure on voter turnout, and how do these effects vary? Methodology. The dissertation is divided into three empirical chapters in the form of scientific articles. In the first empirical chapter, I present a descriptive and comparative portrait of social pressure based on data from 65 electoral studies in 11 countries, totalling about 287,000 respondents and more than 872,000 measures of social pressure. In the other two empirical chapters, I focus on the role and influence of abstention disapproval expectations on electoral participation. In the second empirical chapter, I seek to understand the determinants of disapproval expectations and the intersection between civic duty and disapproval. To do so, I use data from an original question module administered in the 2019 Austrian Election Study. In the last empirical paper, I focus on the moderating role of behaviour visibility on disapproval; people should vote to avoid disapproval only if they believe that others will be aware of their decision to vote or not. For this chapter, I mobilize data from another original question module, this time administered in the 2019 Canadian Election Study. Results. My analyses confirm that social pressure to vote is quite prevalent in society. Descriptive social pressure is more frequent than injunctive pressure, and its effects on social pressure are more stable. In fact, I find that injunctive social pressure influences the decision to vote in about half the studies. My analyses also show that social pressure is more frequent and stronger from relationships in our social circle, such as family or the partner. Social pressure is stronger among people who are better educated, wealthier and older. Although people with a strong sense of civic duty also report more social pressure, they do not seem to be influenced by it. I find no moderating effect of behavioural visibility on the influence of disapproval contrary to theoretical expectations. At last, I also find that most of the variance in social pressure occurs at the measurement level. Conclusions. This dissertation confirms the crucial role of social pressure as a determinant of electoral participation. It contributes to our general understanding of social norms and their specific influence on voter turnout. This is important because electoral participation is one of the pillars of a healthy democratic system. A better understanding of the social pressure mechanism will help to develop effective, ethical and non-partisan mobilization tools to counter the decline in electoral participation in Canada and the world. This dissertation also has important methodological implications for measuring social pressure and suggests new theories for understanding voter turnout and the influences of social pressure. In sum, this thesis dissertation offers a solid foundation for future research on social pressure to vote.