The aim of this research is (1) to test the hypothesis that participating in collective action varies by social class position, (2) to examine the mechanisms behind class effects in collective action in a general model of individual participation in collective action, and (3) to discuss the societal implications of these effects. Class position modifies the social process which determines who will participate in protest demonstrations or community problem solving. Class influences political socialization, an individual's network of interpersonal ties to others, and opportunity constraints which guide individual choices to participate in collective action. A model of these relations is tested empirically using secondary analysis of a nationwide, longitudinal survey of young adults and their parents (Jennings and Niemi's Youth-Parent Socialization Panel Study, 1965-1973). The findings show that working class young adults participate in collective action at a lower rate than the young adults in other class positions. The direct relationship between class and collective action participation is virtually nonexistant. It is the indirect effect of class through the development of a sense of efficacy (socialization) and membership in organizations (networks) that is significant in the prediction of who participates. The primary contribution of this work involves the formulation of a general model explaining individual participation in collective action. Further, by linking socialization and networks, this research attempts to bridge the micro-macro distinctions found in other explanations of collective action. Other contributions of this research lie in its implementation of a neo-Marxist definition of class and the utilization of alternative measures of collective action (protest participation and activity in community problem solving). In conclusion, finding that some individuals are hindered in their ability to participate in collective action has implications for the direction of social change efforts. It appears that inequality exists in the promotion of social issues even in the area of non-institutionalized politics. The findings suggest that the relationship between stratification and collective action should be explored further in future research.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1973. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

No description available.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Virginia, 1997. / Description based on content as of June 1999; title from title screen.

The problem addressed in this study can be stated thus: There are extremely limited numbers of students from the lowest economic class graduating from our nation's institutions of higher education. The challenge to institutions of higher education is how to improve access, support, and successful completion of higher education for students experiencing the most extreme poverty barriers. Weber's (1946) social-class theory was selected to determine the meanings and interpretations of students from poverty backgrounds in regard to their success and perceived barriers to success in completing college. This theoretical construct is based on the idea that collectively held meanings arise from three distinct although related dimensions of life including, lifestyles, context, and economic opportunity. Focus group interviews with a representative group of 24 people who grew up in generational poverty were the main source of data (Merton, Fiske, & Kendall, 1990). The focus group interviews were open-ended and designed to reveal the participants' subjective experience of completing a college degree (Schatzman & Strauss, 1973). A demographic questionnaire administered to 56 respondents was used to complement the focus group interviews. The grounded theory approach guided the data collection and analysis process (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Strauss & Corbin, 1990). According to its objectives, the study results provided: (a) a description of the poverty-related conditions, (b) an overview of the early educational experiences of the participants, (c) a demographic profile, (d) an overview of perceived challenges and barriers to higher education and (e) a discussion of success factors. The findings from this study would suggest five areas for educational improvement: (a) development of a campus climate sensitive to social class and poverty issues; (b) implementation of faculty, staff, and student social-class sensitivity training programs combined with curricular reform; (c) facilitation of connections to informal mentors; (d) articulation of connections between obtaining a college degree and earning a higher income; and an (e) exploration of expanding college partnerships with social service agencies that are geared to helping people in poverty.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / A theoretical understanding of stratification and inequality is necessary to understand social phenomena in general. Unfortunately, professional sociology in the United States has historically promoted a limited theoretical understanding of stratification that tends to ignore economic realities, social structures, institutional mechanisms, power relations, and other important factors such as racial discrimination in reproducing social class. In fact, mainstream sociology has replaced class-based theories altogether with the concept of socio-economic status (SES) and, at the same time, all too often embraces problematic theories that justify inequality. This critical literature review of social class in American sociology attempts to: 1) provide a more comprehensive history of sociological theory in the United States regarding stratification and social class, 2) expose the sociological factors affecting these social theories and concepts, and 3) deconstruct and critique mainstream social theories that offer weak explanations of stratification.