<p> This work explores the development, maintenance, and fracture or transformation of the collective identity that defined the British upper class in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the historical/cultural narratives that developed around the fracture of that collective identity, and on the affect that both identity fracture and narratives exercised on British society, culture, and politics during and after the First World War. We examine the process by which that collective identity was transmitted from generation to generation, examine the damage done to upper class collective identity during and in the wake of WW I, and explore the expression of that damaged identity in the development and influence of historical/cultural narratives generally identified as Lost Generation narratives. </p><p> The theoretical framework used in this dissertation is based on the work of a group of sociologists that includes Alberto Melucci, Manuel Castells, Harold Kerbo, John Ogbu, Jeffrey Alexander, Ron Eyerman, and Kai Erikson. Their analyses are grounded in Identity Theory and Social Identity Theory&mdash;a body of theory that seeks to describe the formation, maintenance, and transformation of both individual and collective identities. The historical analysis used in this effort involves the work of a range of historians and theoreticians. These include historians who focus on British social/cultural history and/or on the history of Britain during the First World War (e.g. J.M. Winter, David Cannadine, Samuel Hynes, Lawrence James, Paul Fussell, and Angela Lambert) as well as historians and theoreticians who focus on literary interpretation and on the use of narrative in history (e.g. Keith Jenkins, Hayden White, Roland Barthes, and Michel Foucault). The historical analysis includes research in primary sources from historical actors discussed in the dissertation. These include diaires, letters, and memoirs by Robert Graves, Vera Brittain, Seigfried Sassoon, and JRR Tolkien; letters and expedition journals of George Mallory; and JRR Tolkien's working notebooks regarding the development of his fictional works.</p><p>

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Toronto, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references.

The object of this study is to examine the rural settlement forms of the later 18th and early 19th century in the Scottish Highlands by means of documentary evidence and field remains. The main manuscript and documentary sources are described in Chapter 1 and the forms of field remains, -their recording and analysis, are explained. A brief review of research into Scottish rural settlement over the past 100 years, particularly Highland settlement and the changing approaches and interpretations is covered in Chapter 2. The developments of the period 1750-1850 had some of their origins in the 17th century, and the main historical events in the Highlands which had a bearing on agriculture, population and settlement from the late 17th to the early 19th century are reviewed in Chapter 3. The major part of the thesis is a comparative study Of Lochtayside and Assynt based on land surveys of the period 1769-1774 and this is dealt with in Chapters 4 to 10. Chapter 4 introduces Lochtayside in its physical setting and its historical development prior to 1769 is covered by references to early maps (particularly Pont and the Military Survey)and the history of the Campbells of Glenorchy/ Breadalbane. The rural landscape of Lochtayside in 1769 is discussed in Chapter 5, with reference to population, agriculture, forms of tenancy, rents and occupations. Chapter 6 examines and discusses the field remains of the earlier settlement pattern - the townships, settlement clusters, shielings, mills, etc. The physical landscape of Assynt and its pre-1774 landowners are examined in Chapter 7 and the evidence of early maps is discussed. The picture of the Assynt rural landscape as interpreted from John Home's-Survey of 1774 is presented in Chapter 8 with a discussion of, land divisions, tenants and nontenants. The surviving remains of the settlements and the special role of the 'sheelings' in the late 18th century Assynt-agrarian economy are discussed in Chapter A direct comparison of Lochtayside and Assynt in 1769- 1774 is made in Chapter 10, looking at differences. or similarities in physical geography, history, population density, landholding systems, settlement forms and survival of remains. Some extra evidence-from other sites in Perthshire and Sutherland, including two excavated sites, is examined in Chapter 11 and compared with Lochtayside and Assynt. Conclusions on settlement groupings, forms of houses and buildings in the areas studied are made in Chapter 12, and 10 generalisations, which in themselves are a summary of the thesis in terms of settlement development, variation and survival, are presented.

<p> This dissertation contributes to scholarship on consensus-based movement mobilization, institutional change, and field theory by exploring how movements with stigmatized cultural elements develop consensus-based tactics to establish legitimacy and build new fields. Using mixed qualitative methods and an abductive, multi-level approach, I examine how Buddhist-inspired meditators legitimized and diffused meditation to create a new contemplative meditation field anchored in multiple secular fields (science, education, business, healthcare, and the military), largely without confrontation. In Chapter 1, I investigate how this movement assesses the broader multi-institutional environment it is embedded in, as well as movement leaders' strategies to break into new fields. I examine in Chapter 2 how movement leaders adapt and transform Buddhist culture to move it into new secular institutions. I find Buddhist meditation undergoes a secularization process, at the same time as elements of the sacred are infused into secular institutions. Investigating how meditation moves reveals the importance of strategic action in contemporary lived religion, as well as shows how many kinds of institution-specific forms of contemplative culture are produced through interactions with targeted audiences. These diverse forms of contemplative culture enable the movement to recruit and include many different institutional audiences. Lastly, in Chapter 3, I show how the movement "intervention" programs, which resocialize organizational inhabitants to align their lives with contemplative perspectives, help the movement transform their targeted institutions from the inside out.</p>

The current thesis attempts to discuss, critique, and repair the idea of public sociology as a public discourse and a professional practice. Emerging in the writings of C W. Mills and Alvin Gouldner in the late 1950s and 1970s, “public sociology” was given its name in 1988 by Herbert J. Gans, before it was popularised by Michael Burawoy in 2004, reflecting a recurring desire to debate the discipline's public relevance, responsibility and accountability to its publics: academic and extra-academic alike. Resisting a trend in the relevant literature to treat the term as new, it is argued that the notion of making sociology “public” is as old as the discipline itself, suggesting that the recent public sociology debate does not describe a modern predicament, but an enduring characteristic of sociology's epistemic identity. A detailed critical review of recent controversies on public sociology is offered as a compass with which to navigate the terms and conditions of the term, as it has been espoused, critiqued and re-modelled to fit divergent aspirations about sociology's identity, status and function in academia and the public sphere. An invitation to understand the discipline beyond a language of crisis concludes the thesis, offering eleven counter-theses to M. Burawoy's approach that seek to reconstruct sociology's self-perception, while also suggesting ways of making it public in the context of intellectual life at the 21st century.

Listening to the voices of the American Catholic sister

The idea that theories of race, racial segregation and racism have played a central role in the development of sociology and that black and white sociologies have formed because of this condition is not new and has been in circulation among sociologists for some time. While a number of sociologists have examined how race has shaped the discipline, only a few have attempted to examine and define black sociology and white sociology. Despite the initial efforts of some, the two sociologies remain vague, undeveloped concepts, and thus open to skepticism and denunciation. No systematic historical-intellectual investigation of black sociology or white sociology exists and, subsequently, no in-depth comparative analysis of the two exists. Therefore, through a comparative-historical analysis and exercise in the sociology of knowledge, this work seeks to provide a more precise history and theory of black sociology and white sociology. This study argues that black sociology and white sociology represent two distinct intellectual perspectives---sets of ideas---and social practices shaped by past perspectives and practices and social-historical contexts, which are largely racially- defined. More specifically, I will demonstrate that black sociology and white sociology develop out of two approaches of thought and action primarily influenced by race, a black tradition of ideas and practices and a white tradition of thought and practices. To map these two traditions, I begin with a review and analysis of works that have discussed (directly or indirectly) black and white sociology and black and white sociologists. Next, I turn to a more focused analysis on the sociological perspectives and practices of W.E.B. Du Bois and Robert Park, examining the ideas and practices that shape each sociologist's thought and actions. I identify ways that Park incorporates and advances earlier ideas and practices of whites, and, conversely, how Du Bois incorporates and advances earlier perspectives and practices of blacks. Lastly, I point out how Du Bois' ideas and methods, shaped by an earlier black tradition, now informs what is described as black sociology, and how Park's ideas and methods, shaped by an earlier white tradition, now informs what is described as white sociology.

<p> This research examines the determinants of global market formation and expansion using the case of fair trade from its origins as a market based on idiosyncratic and informal direct sales networks to its formalization as a rationalized governance system. Fair trade is a central component of a growing field of markets based on the social and environmental conditions of production. Fair trade organizations establish and enforce alternative standards of production and distribution processes globally and provide the infrastructure for a market in which value lies in a product's utility and conditions of production. The market spans the globe with producer organizations located in the global South and consumer organizations located in the global North. In three empirical chapters, I test which social forces enable and constrain the formation and expansion of the fair trade market and how the effects of those forces change with changes in the organizational structure of the market. Using an original dataset of all fair trade organizations, I examine (1) the expansion of the global fair trade market from 1961 to 2006, (2) the uneven formation and expansion of fair trade production across the global South from 1970 to 2010, and (3) the spread of consumer markets for fair trade goods across the global North from 1970 to 2010. I employ time series and panel multivariate regression techniques along with qualitative comparative analyses. Overall, I find strong evidence for the institutional foundations of global markets where national connections to global institutions and the reorganization of market relations enable global markets.</p>

<p> Recently, federal agents across the US have uncovered an unprecedented number of forced labor operations, many involving non-citizens who are forced to perform farm work under threat of violence and deportation. Contemporary scholarship explains this phenomenon as the effect of liberalized economic relations, industrialized agriculture, and consumer demand for cheap products. While instructive, such explanations leave open questions of how historical factors sanction the coercive farm labor relations seen today. Using the genealogical method, this paper examines the history of labor practices in Florida, a state in which forced labor not only flourished before the Civil War, but also in which forced labor remains common today. </p><p> After highlighting how Florida's ante-bellum and post-bellum labor practices and discourses imbued employment with normative valuations, this paper argues that such discourses and practices have since been taken up by state and federal institutions, eventually influencing laws and policies concerning labor, prisoners, and immigrants. These historically embedded practices and discourses, moreover, function to discipline the lives and govern the status of non-citizens in and through employment.</p>

<p> In 2002, Salt Lake City joined an elite group of cities, in the world, when it hosted the 2002 Olympic Winter Games. This "once in a lifetime" chance gave the city, community, and state of Utah an opportunity to show the world a different side of the community than just the home to the peculiar people known as Mormons. The city took the chance and pulled it off beautifully. Salt Lake not only managed to stage one of the most impressive Olympic Winter Games ever but ended up with an unprecedented amount of profit. But what do you do after the party is over? In an effort to keep the spirit of the Olympics alive, the Salt Lake Organizing Committee (SLOC) wanted to build a legacy park where locals and tourists could visit and relive the thrill and excitement the Olympics. The announcement of the legacy park brought great support from the people, the city, and state government officials but unfortunately, it also brought along all of the politics and personal agendas involved when working with these entities. In the end, the legacy park was merged with a park which was originally planned to showcase just the Olympic cauldron at Rice-Eccles Stadium at the University of Utah. The following thesis is the story of how the legacy park came to reside at the University of Utah, the planning and design of the park, the operations and maintenance, and the celebrations it hosted in the ten plus years since the Olympic Winter Games. This thesis focuses on whether or not the Olympic Cauldron Park served as a legitimate and appropriate legacy for the 2002 Salt Lake Olympic Winter Games and if that legacy should continue now that original contracts are expiring. Primary research was gathered through local and national newspaper articles, oral interviews, personal experience, and official documents such as contracts between SLOC and the University of Utah. As time and the outdoor elements take their toll on the park, contracts are finished and expansion of the stadium for the Pac 12 Athletic Conference pending, the future of the Olympic Cauldron Park looks bleak. Although there are plans to have some items from the park live on at another Olympic legacy destination, the Olympic Cauldron Park story needed to be told before it ceases to exist.</p>