Abstract not available

This thesis addresses a significant gap in Australian social policy literature about the relationship between the impact of economic rationalism on social policy and interest representation during policy implementation. Michael Pusey, for instance, argues that economic rationalism displaces social values in social policy. However, other theorists, such as Robert Alford and Rod Rhodes, caution that policy often changes when it is implemented. With a foundation in Weberian social theory about participant values, the analytical framework incorporates three institutional policy implementation concepts to capture the dynamic characteristics of the policy process. These are: policy stages to describe policy change over time; structural interests of policy organisations; and policy networks within which participants act. The thesis tests this framework to explain the impact of values of economic rationality in the Australian coordinated care policy. The policy attempted to coordinate the care of people with chronic care needs, using a funds pool, case managers and care plans. The research methods are interviews with policy participants; analysis of public documents; and participant observation as an evaluator in one trial. Data about the policy process from 1994 to 2001 are analysed with a critical interpretive approach. The study reveals that central agency officials acted primarily on values of economic rationality. In contrast, health agency officials acted primarily on organisational values. The transfer of responsibility for the policy process from a central agency to the health agency after the policy statements reinforced health provider organisational interests, rather than either the rationalist interests of central agencies or the social interests of consumer groups. The policy consequently changed away from economic rationality. The policy process in the planning, implementation and revision stages was in no sense an instrumental application of the values of economic rationality apparent in the policy statements stage. Neither, however, did social values predominate in any policy stage. The study argues that insights from policy implementation research can refine the literature on economic rationalism. This research further advances policy network theory. It recognises that understanding which organisation is responsible for the policy, at various policy stages, advances our understanding of whose values shape social policy.

The politics surrounding retrenchment and social protection in the Middle East have been obscured by a broad ideological consensus that civil society has replaced the state as the site of social provisioning since the nineties. Contrary to the dominant “state retreat” narrative, the adoption of neo-liberalism in the region was not in fact uniformly accompanied by convergence around a minimal welfare regime. Why have processes of welfare retrenchment unfolded along contrasting patterns across the Middle East with some states explicitly redefining social policy frameworks, and others undermining access and effects of prevailing programs without dismantling them? The dissertation aims to contribute to our understanding of state-society relations in the region by closely examining recent welfare regime changes in Egypt. Why has Egypt pursued “hidden retrenchment” entailing dilution of universal benefits, conversion of social programs to new beneficiaries and institutional layering, without the explicit overhaul of welfare policy frameworks? What are the micro-level political influences shaping the retrenchment process on the ground? Using the Social Fund for Development as a window for understanding hidden retrenchment in Egypt, the dissertation demonstrates that external dynamics of globalization, and donor assistance do not mainly account for welfare regime restructuring. Similarly, the state’s fiscal status, and the underlying switch in development strategies cannot explain retrenchment patterns. Rather, I argue that the internationally dominant neoliberal development discourse has influenced some aspects of retrenchment reforms, and domestic political dynamics have molded hidden retrenchment in Egypt. The regime’s power maintenance logic and a prevailing moral economy of social entitlements explain the process. Micro-level qualitative and statistical analyses of retrenchment politics also reveal that intra-state agencies struggles, regime security concerns, the state’s tendency to fiscally penalize areas with a history of Muslim Brotherhood support, as well as the National Democratic Party’s patronage networks influence outcomes on the ground. My findings suggest that variations in retrenchment patterns across the region reflect important differences in states’ social bases of power, rather than external pressures or domestic economic dynamics.

The politics surrounding retrenchment and social protection in the Middle East have been obscured by a broad ideological consensus that civil society has replaced the state as the site of social provisioning since the nineties. Contrary to the dominant “state retreat” narrative, the adoption of neo-liberalism in the region was not in fact uniformly accompanied by convergence around a minimal welfare regime. Why have processes of welfare retrenchment unfolded along contrasting patterns across the Middle East with some states explicitly redefining social policy frameworks, and others undermining access and effects of prevailing programs without dismantling them? The dissertation aims to contribute to our understanding of state-society relations in the region by closely examining recent welfare regime changes in Egypt. Why has Egypt pursued “hidden retrenchment” entailing dilution of universal benefits, conversion of social programs to new beneficiaries and institutional layering, without the explicit overhaul of welfare policy frameworks? What are the micro-level political influences shaping the retrenchment process on the ground? Using the Social Fund for Development as a window for understanding hidden retrenchment in Egypt, the dissertation demonstrates that external dynamics of globalization, and donor assistance do not mainly account for welfare regime restructuring. Similarly, the state’s fiscal status, and the underlying switch in development strategies cannot explain retrenchment patterns. Rather, I argue that the internationally dominant neoliberal development discourse has influenced some aspects of retrenchment reforms, and domestic political dynamics have molded hidden retrenchment in Egypt. The regime’s power maintenance logic and a prevailing moral economy of social entitlements explain the process. Micro-level qualitative and statistical analyses of retrenchment politics also reveal that intra-state agencies struggles, regime security concerns, the state’s tendency to fiscally penalize areas with a history of Muslim Brotherhood support, as well as the National Democratic Party’s patronage networks influence outcomes on the ground. My findings suggest that variations in retrenchment patterns across the region reflect important differences in states’ social bases of power, rather than external pressures or domestic economic dynamics.

Examinations of social policy often focus on their economic and social outcomes without much concern for their political dimensions. Since Evo Morales assumed the presidency of Bolivia in 2006, the Andean country has emerged as a powerful example of how social policy can be leveraged for political purposes beyond clientelism. The government's famous nationalization of natural gas resources along with a hefty hydrocarbon tax funded two major social programs: the Bono Juancito Pinto, an education conditional cash transfer, and Renta Dignidad, a universal old-age pension. Evidence from surveys, key informant interviews, reports, and official documents demonstrated that Bolivia's universal social policy was motivated by more than the goal of efficiently addressing the country's chronic social inequality. The Morales administration's implementation of these programs was a conscious decision to leverage windfall resource rents to build greater national solidarity and advance the MAS' political project to refound the country. Through a universalist approach to social policy, the MAS government has consolidated political hegemony, strengthened national solidarity, and secured the support of the armed forces. This political strategy, however, rests on shaky ground. The rentier model the government depends on to fund universal social policy fuels social conflicts that could destabilize the MAS' recently won hegemony and its attempts at nation building. Bolivia's experience with universal cash transfers lays the foundation for future study of social policy and nation building in the developing world; it is also important to examine how funding sources impact the efficacy of these programs. Considering cash transfers' exploding popularity and dissemination across the world in the last decade, this thesis calls for the more nuanced study of these programs in their political dimensions. / text

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A political boundary divided the City of Shenzhen in 1978. The southern portion is designated as a Special Economic Zone (SEZ), while the northern region remains a part of hinterland China. The divide creates a geographical and psychological chasm in the administrative and ontological existence of Shenzhen. The locals dubbed this border “the Second Line”. The Second Line and SEZ were a part of Chairman Deng Xiaoping’s open and reform economic policies in 1978. The SEZs were designated areas along the southeast coast of China for the socialist state’s experimentation with global capitalism. After years of wars, revolution and repression of the individual pursuit of capital, Shenzhen underwent extraordinary urban and economic development, growing from clusters of villages holding 300 000 residents to a megalopolis of more than a million in one decade. The Second Line drove uneven urban and economic growth in the Shenzhen SEZ. The radical speed of development and opportunities brought workers from rural areas of China. They made up the economic and urban substructure of the city, but were excluded from urban social welfare. Shenzhen’s industries rooted in instability and disposability of labour discouraged the settlement of the floating population. The thesis proposal conceptually commemorates the site of the Second Line, and pays homage to its crucial role in the urban and economic formation of Shenzhen. At the urban scale, it acts as a public infrastructure, providing a framework for interface between the segregated territories of the city. The social housing component of the proposal is an architectural response and challenge to policies that allow for the migration of rural workers without provisions for everyday life. The proposal subverts the divisive ideology of the boundary through inhabitation, and creates a space of dwelling on the Second Line.

The effect of welfare policies is evident in the behaviours of welfare recipients and in their patterns of health. Yet there are very few studies with up to date analyses on the health consequences of the mid-1990s welfare reform in Canada. This study examines the effects of welfare income and welfare reforms on health outcomes of welfare recipients. I use National Population Health Survey (NPHS) in 1996 to present a baseline health differences by welfare status. I later utilize the mid-1900s welfare reform in a natural experiment setting to examine the health outcomes of welfare poor and working poor respondents. By using provincial welfare reform intensities, I detect exogenous variation that can indicate the effect of a greater reduction in welfare funding on health outcomes. Overall, my results show a strong correlation between welfare income and health outcomes, but policy makers must be cautious when interpreting causality.

The aim of this study was to explore social welfare policy towards female-headed households (FHHs) in Cameroon and to suggest ways of transforming the sector at policy and practical levels in order to ensure that the needs of members of FHHs are effectively met within a social development praxis. The methodology used in collecting data was semi-structured questionnaires, one for female household heads and the other for officials of the Ministry of Social Affairs (MINAS) and Ministry of Women's Affairs (MINCOF), supplemented by documentary sources. The target populations were made up of 85 officials and 14,535 female- households heads where a stratified random sample and purposive sample of 25 and 335 respectively, were selected. Triangulation method was used in both the collection and analysis process. There were eight critical research questions postulated to guide the study, and the major findings of the study included the following: Firstly, the economic conditions of FHHs were found to be fairly satisfactory. However, with the all-embracing responsibilities to themselves and their dependents, it was argued that this could offset their economic viability. Secondly, social services from various stakeholders were rated differently. From the National Social Insurance Fund (NSIF), social service delivery was rated to be below average, with corruption and long duration of processing of documents was perceived as factors causing inefficiency. Recurrent complaints and claims reported by female household heads to MINAS included financial and other support though female-households heads rated their services to them as satisfactory, as complaints and claims reported were processed within a reasonable time. The main problems with MINAS were perceived to be a shortage of staff and poor working conditions. However, MINAS's empowering activities were found to be less than empowering. Also, those of women's empowerment centres (WECs) were not empowering, given the lack of befitting infrastructure and staff shortages. Thirdly, no form of social grant exists for members of FHHs, except occasional financial assistance to victims of calamities. Furthermore, the findings revealed that although most of the officials were acquainted with their ministerial objectives, which many held as relevant but unattainable and inapplicable. Many officials were not acquainted with current legislation on women. Ministerial objectives were perceived to be broad, compounded by staff shortages and low budgetary allocations. The findings also revealed that a majority of the staff of both ministries do participate differently in social welfare policy processes, especially due to their different professional orientations. Again, other basic social services such as healthcare and schools were provided in communities where members of FHHs live but were found to be expensive. The nonexistence of creches in most communities posed a huge problem to working female household heads who are forced to leave their children with others such as relatives, neighbours and other children putting them at risk. Others are forced to pay for babysitting from their meagre resources. Finally, female household heads suggested that to improve their lives, they need education and sensitisation on their rights and the initiation of special programmes for them as well as social grants , among other things. The above findings led to the following conclusions. Firstly, social welfare policy responses to the needs of women, especially members of FHHs, are narrowly based. Most of the few existing social welfare services are not accessible to many members of FHHs, especially given the fact that they have not been identified as needing special attention. Social welfare policy is based on the concept of gender equality without the recognition of the needs and aspirations of members of FHHs. Secondly, little legislation exists with regard to members of FHHs as a whole, except for some isolated pieces in favour of divorced and widowed women. Therefore, social welfare policy is not responsive to members of FHHs in Cameroon. Furthermore, social service delivery by social workers is limited in scope, as they are primarily engaged in curative rather than developmental social work, which is all-embracing. Similarly, the staff is not well acquainted with social welfare policy processes or other legislation pertaining to women whom they are serving. The factors, among others, responsible for this are the lack of a knowledge base and training deficiencies of the staff of these ministries. Finally, female household heads have utilised their ingenuity in the struggle against the current economic malaise through self-employment, full and part-time/casual employment. However, the warding-off of poverty is an illusion given the diverse nature of their responsibilities. In the light of the above findings and conclusions, recommendations were made to various stakeholders. The need for social welfare policy to be responsive to women's needs and aspirations, especially members of FHHs as well as the need to develop women-centred care was recommended. Also, policy makers were urged to institute social grants for members of FHHs and income security for children from FHHs. Furthermore, empowerment programmes such as job and skill training backed by low interest loans were also recommended in all divisions to strengthen capacity building. Again, basic quality affordable and accessible healthcare, childcare and education were recommended for female household heads and their children. Finally, recruitment and training of social workers as well as increased budgetary allocations and the institution of a gender perspective in the budgetary process were also put forward. Social workers, it was recommended, need to practice all-embracing developmental social work. This could be enhanced through organising seminars and refresher courses for staff to keep them abreast of current theoretical and practical development in the profession. Also, social workers should undertake a re-appraisal of the profession's responses to the needs of needy and vulnerable groups such as FHHs and restructure the colonial social welfare policy that still dominates their actions. Finally, the curricula of the schools of social work need to be revised to give a sound knowledge base to social workers to enhance their engagement in social development praxis. The civil society, members of FHHs and the local communities were urged to be part of the social welfare policy processes. Finally, suggestions for further study were made. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Durban-Westville, 2004.

The promise of devolution was to ‘do politics differently’ by creating a more plural, consensual and participative political landscape underpinned by the Scottish Parliament’s founding principles of openness, accountability, sharing of power and equal opportunities. In this context, it might be expected that post-devolution Scotland would provide a fertile environment for fostering innovation in family policy-making. Using a case study approach to critically analyse the policy processes of both the family law reforms and the sexual health strategy, the research uses Kingdon’s multiple streams framework to explore:- - the extent to which devolution has enabled civil society to participate in the policy process - how political activity by civil society impacts on government policy - whether or not devolution has fostered innovation in family policy-making. - who is influencing the family policy agenda in post-devolution Scotland The multiple streams framework offers a useful entry point for analysing the public policy process but Kingdon’s claim for the independence of the three streams of problems, policy and politics is problematic since these were found to be inter-related with a symbiotic relationship between the policy and politics streams. This supports work by Kendall (2000) which found a greater degree of connectedness between the policy and politics stream. The findings indicate that devolution has created a more fluid space for civil society participation in family policy-making but a paradoxical effect has been to increase the potential for interests to clash in the public sphere. And although progressive reforms were implemented in both cases, the formal policy instrument of primary legislation to implement the family law reforms facilitated engagement of a wider range of actors, enabled fuller debate of the issues and provided more checks and balances on the system than the informal policy instrument of the expert reference group used to develop the sexual health strategy. Devolution has not reduced conflict in family policy debates – the family continues to be a site of contestation and in the policy processes observed in one of the case studies, the combined forces of religion, politics and a distinctive media presence coalesced to create a ‘radioactive’ political climate. This had a direct effect on the policy process inside government which in turn, shaped the tone and content of the final policy output raising questions about the extent to which post-devolution Scotland can be regarded as providing a fertile environment for fostering innovation in family policy-making.