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This study investigates the supranational policy engagement of Turkish migrant associations in France and Germany in EU immigration policy process from a comparative perspective. It seeks the answer to the following question: What explains similarities and differences in terms of forms and levels of participation by migrant associations in different national contexts as they engage in the EU immigration policy process? In addressing this question, it analyzes the forms and levels of migrants' supranational engagement by focusing on the combined impact of emerging macro-level political opportunity structures (EU institutional context and EU) and micro-level (collective action problems of nationally organized stakeholders) variables. / The study claims that in spite of the newly introduced supranational channels into the EU policy process, the collective organizational experience at the national level locks-in a certain path dependency that holds back the new policy actors (migrant groups) from making full use of EU-level opportunities. Consequently an incompatibility surfaces between the supranational opportunities provided by the EU and the capabilities of national-level stakeholders who intend to use them. Through an examination of two cases, this study claims that there exists a supranational opportunity/national capability rift in terms of stakeholder participation in EU policy processes. Underlying this rift are the problems intrinsic to the design of supranational opportunities which impair their potential to cater to national-level clients. At the same time, while national-level capabilities allow actors to operate in the domestic context (albeit with problems), they are not readily transposed so as to permit reaping supranational benefits. / Accordingly, this study claims that despite the variety and extensiveness of EU efforts, the re-definition of the dynamics of policy involvement and the expansion of the policy space to include multiple stakeholders remain at an incipient stage. The problems and limits of activities at the supranational level continue to originate from constraints associated with the nation state as much, if not more, than the problems of the supranational channels themselves.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Communication

徐焯賢. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學人類學部, 1997. / 參考文獻: leaves 73-76. / Xu Zhuoxian. / Chapter 第一章 --- 總論 --- p.1 / Chapter 甲. --- 硏究課題 / Chapter 乙. --- 文獻回顧 / Chapter 丙. --- 硏究方法 / Chapter 第二章 --- 香港粤曲曲藝社的槪況一一以觀華遊樂社爲例 --- p.14 / Chapter 甲. --- 觀華遊樂社的背景資料 / Chapter I. --- 名稱由來 / Chapter II. --- 成立經過和歷史 / Chapter III. --- 會員人數 / Chapter IV. --- 日常活動 / Chapter V. --- 宗旨 / Chapter VI. --- 組織架構 / Chapter 乙. --- 活動描述 / Chapter I. --- 操曲 / Chapter II. --- 敎授老人中心 / Chapter III. --- 公開演出 / Chapter 丙. --- 小結 / Chapter 第三章 --- 觀華遊樂社與香港社會的關係 --- p.34 / Chapter 甲. --- 觀塘社區發展 / Chapter 乙. --- 整體粤曲粤劇發展 / Chapter 丙. --- 九七回歸帶動的身份認同 / Chapter 丁. --- 小結 / Chapter 第四章 --- 觀華遊樂社與個人社會空間的關係 --- p.50 / Chapter 甲. --- 前言 / Chapter 乙. --- 個人資料 / Chapter 丙. --- 參加觀華的重要性 / Chapter I. --- 觀華成員身份的確立 / Chapter II. --- 社區身份 / Chapter III. --- 中國文化身份 / Chapter 丁. --- 小結 / Chapter 第五章 --- 總結一一個人、社會與曲藝社 --- p.69 / 參考書目 --- p.73

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This dissertation looks at the political behavior of three Taiwanese Buddhist organizations since 1989: the Buddhist Association of the Republic of China (BAROC), the Buddha Light Mountain monastic order (or Foguangshan) and the Buddhist Compassion Relief Tzu Chi Association (or Ciji). It concentrates on trying to understand the rationale behind the different strategies that each of them has adopted in its interaction with the government. The BAROC has adopted a strategy of lobbying in an attempt to remedy the steady decline of its status throughout the 1990s: it has tried to sway the government to adopt a law that would restore the authority over Buddhists the association held before 1989. Foguangshan has resorted to a strategy of remonstrance to advance its religious ideals between 1995 and 1997: its founder Xingyun supported the bid of his lay disciple Chen Lii'an for the presidency of the Republic of China (ROC) and launched large public demonstrations critical of the government that followed that election. During the same period of time, Ciji has steered away from the controversies over the law on religion and conspicuously avoided supporting Chen, while continuing to grow to become the largest organization of its kind in Taiwan. The theological views of the three organizations' leaders are examined as key factors explaining the rationale behind the political strategies these organizations have adopted. Other factors such as availability of material resources, lay support, congruence between leaders and their followers on the dimension of ethnicity and gender are explored as possible sources of constraints on the leaders.

There is no abstract available for this dissertation.

Following the creation of Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia ICMI, Indonesian Muslim Intellectual Association) on December 6, 1990, an event which had shaken the Indonesian political scene, discussion of the relation and affinity between Islam and the state once again came to the fore. The controversy surrounding ICMI's establishment revolved around two basic questions, namely, whether it was a political maneuver by the New Order government, or a true manifestation of the Muslim community's aspirations. The resulting situation prompted a large number of responses from people of various backgrounds. Support, opposition and neutrality towards ICMI arose during its five year existence (1990-1995). These responses took cognizance of the hidden motives behind the New Order's political support of the organization, as well as the government's new appreciation and accommodation of Islam and Muslim demands. / The present thesis will thus note, evaluate and analyze these responses in light of the specific context surrounding ICMI's establishment, as well as the numerous analyses extended by various political observers. The thesis will also seek to explain why ICMI became a phenomenon welcomed by most Indonesian Muslims.

This thesis examines and assesses the Gleichschaltung of the Germandom organizations from 1933 to 1939. The first chapter outlines the Peace Treaties of Versailles, Trianon and St. Germain and their effect upon the increased German minority in Europe. This body of Germans in countries outside Germany, Austria and Switzerland are referred to as the Volksdeutsche. The policies of the Weimar Government towards the German minorities in Europe are then examined. The second chapter outlines the minority policy of the National Socialist Party and various prominent National Socialist leaders. Chapter three outlines the major non-National Socialist and National Socialist Germandom organizations. Particular emphasis is given to the Verein fur Deutschtum im Ausland or the VDA, the Volksdeutscher Rat or the VR, Auslandsorganisation der NSDAP or AO, the Buro Kursell and the Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle or VoMi. Chapters four through six deal with the events that lead to the Gleichschaltung of the Germandom organizations. Although the non-National Socialist Germandom organizations maintained a degree of independence from Nazi influence from 1933 until 2 July 1938, there was never any doubt that eventually the National Socialist Germandom organizations would gain ascendancy over them. In late 1936, the National Socialist Germandom organizations began to achieve lasting power and influence. By 1938, the non-National Socialist Germandom organizations were virtually impotent. The Gleichschaltung of the Germandom organizations, therefore, mirrors the Gleichschaltung that occurred on all levels of society in Germany following Adolf Hitler's appointment as Chancellor on 30 January 1933.