This study outlines a methodological framework for reconstructing linguistic history within a dialect continuum and applies this methodology to an under-described, controversial, and complex subgroup of New Indo-Aryan (NIA)—the Kamta, Rajbanshi and Northern Deshi Bangla lects (KRNB). ¶ Dialect continua are characterised by non-discrete boundaries between speech communities, and as a result previously divergent lects may undergo common innovations; the result is the familiar picture of overlapping dialectological isoglosses. The sequencing of these innovations and the historical relations between the lects involved are often highly ambiguous. Given the right sociohistorical conditions, a widespread innovation may be more recent than a localised innovation—the very opposite sequencing to that implied by the splits in a family tree. ¶ Not surprisingly, discrete application to the NIA continuum of traditional methodologies—including the Comparative Method, etymological reconstruction and dialect geography—has yielded unsatisfactory and at times chronologically distorted results. Historical studies, therefore, have chosen between: (a) only studying the histories of NIA lects with written records; (b) reconstructing using the chronology suggested by the shape of a family tree; or (c) settling for a ‘flat’, non-historical account of dialect geography. ¶ Under the approach developed here, the strengths of each of these traditional methods are synthesised within an overarching framework provided by a sociohistorical theory of language change. This synthesis enables the linguistic history of the KRNB lects to be reconstructed with some detail from the proto-Kamta stage (1250-1550 AD) up to the present day. Innovations are sequenced based on three types of criteria: linguistic, textual and sociohistorical. The old Kamta stage, and its relation to old Bangla and Asamiya, is reconstructed based on linguistic Propagation Events and Speech Community Events—two concepts central to the methodology. The old Kamta speech community and its language became divided into western, central and eastern subsections during the middle KRNB period (1550-1787 AD, dates assigned by attested sociohistorical events). During the same period, KRNB lects also underwent partial reintegration with NIA lects further afield by means of more widely propagated changes. This trend of differentiation at a local level, concurrent with reintegration at a wider level, also characterises the modern KRNB period from 1787 AD to the present. ¶ This account of KRNB linguistic history is based on a rigorous reconstruction of changes in phonology and morphology. The result is not only a reconstruction of historical changes, but of the proto-Kamta phoneme inventory, hundreds of words of vocabulary, and specific areas of nominal and verbal morphology. The reconstruction is based on data collected in the field for the purposes of this study. Phonological reconstruction has made use of the WordCorr software program, and the reconstructed vocabulary is presented in a comparative wordlist in an appendix. ¶ The methodology developed and applied in this study has been found highly successful; though naturally not without its own limitations. This study has significance for its contribution both to the methodology of historical linguistic reconstruction and to the light shed on the linguistic prehistory of KRNB.

This dissertation investigates the use of the subjunctive in completive clauses governed by verbs in Italian, both synchronically and diachronically, and in Vulgar Latin. By making use of the tools provided by the Variationist Sociolinguistic framework (Labov 1972, 1994), the current study sheds light on the underlying conditioning on variability using actual usage and speech-surrogate data. Contemporary actual speech data comes from LIP (De Mauro et al. 1993) and C-ORAL-ROM (Cresti & Moneglia 2005) corpora, providing spontaneous discourse in casual and careful speech as well as sub-sample divisions representative of geographical variation. In order to measure any changes in the underlying conditioning on subjunctive selection, a diachronic benchmark is established: a corpus of speech-like surrogates of 16th to 20th century Italian, COHI (Corpus of Historical Italian), and a corpus of Vulgar Latin (Cena Trimalchionis, from the Satyricon by Petronius). The subjunctives were extracted in adherence to the principle of accountability (Labov 1972), using the method developed by Poplack (1992): every complement clause governed by a matrix verb (governor) that triggered the subjunctive at least once was included. This method enables us to circumvent the issue of the lack of consensus in the literature on exactly which contexts, i.e. verbs and/or meanings, should trigger the subjunctive in discourse. This issue surfaces as well from the meta-linguistic analysis of a compendium of 58 Italian grammars and treaties (CSGI, Collezione Storica di Grammatiche Italiane), constructed for the purpose of this research. A series of linguistic and extra-linguistic factors proposed by formal and prescriptive literature are operationalized and tested against the corpora of both Italian and Vulgar Latin, in order to ascertain the nature of variability in discourse: i.e. whether the use of the subjunctive is semantically motivated, productive in speech or undergoing desemanticization and lexicalization. Despite widespread assumption of a change that occurred after the political and the subsequent linguistic unification of Italy, i.e. that the subjunctive has lost ground in favour of the indicative when it was supposedly used categorically in the past, quantitative and statistical evidence shows that subjunctive selection is largely determined by lexical identity of the governor as well as embedded suppletive forms of essere, and that this pattern has been operative at least since the 16th century. On a more socio-linguistic aspect, this study confirms the linguistic prestige that the subjunctive has acquired in contemporary speech, being selected with a wider range of infrequent and singleton governors by highly educated speakers. Also, the highly lexicalized pattern on variability was found to be largely shared amongst the four main urban centres of Florence, Milan, Rome, and Naples, thus countering the assumption of divergent linguistic behaviour between northern and southern varieties of Italian. The study also shows that despite the significant time span targeted, no evidence of desemanticization has been found. Likewise, the variationist analysis on the Vulgar Latin subjunctive shows that subjunctive choice was already largely determined by, and restricted, to a few governors, identified as ‘volitive’ and ‘emotive’ matrices. These governors remained strong predictors for the selection of the subjunctive in Italian as well, suggesting that this lexical pattern has been transferred and consistently retained in the daughter language.