With the passage of Public Law 99-457, social workers may be expected to have increased involvement with the special needs of families who have children with handicaps. Specific knowledge, skills, and competency are needed to work with these special needs children and their families. Social work education must be responsive to these needs. The authors suggest competency-based educational responses.

Even though filial caregivers are typically daughters rather than sons, examinations of caregiving have not adequately considered the impact of gender and marital status differences on the support systems that mediate the strain of caring. Because of competing demands on time and energy, caregivers make many changes in their personal activities while maintaining work and immediate family responsibilities. The friendships that provide emotional support for singles are perceived as less important than familial relationships. Therefore, the assumption is made that the single adult daughter has less to give up as compared to her married siblings. The parallel emotional support systems of the married and single caregivers go unrecognized. This study of never-married women over age 30 reveals that these caregivers essentially foreclosed social relationships in order to provide care.

What is it like to teach qualitative methods to graduate students in predominantly quantitative departments? We draw on our experiences teaching fieldwork in three departments to show that folk notions of science-ideas about how scientific work should be done-make it difficult to teach an inductive approach to fieldwork. Specifically, these folk notions make it hard for students to take an open approach to their studies, use their emotions in developing their analyses, and write ongoing analyses of their field notes. Throughout the article, we offer strategies for dealing with students' resistance.

This study concerns client success or failure while residing in a halfway house for adult offenders. As with some other studies, failure or recidivism is defined in this analysis as behavior that results in removal from the facility and subsequent incarceration. This quantitative case study of one treatment facility in Tennessee utilized case records on the population of clients from 1981 through 1987 (N = 75). A number of hypotheses were developed and tested with both bh/ariate and multivariate methods. Results indicated that, at least in this halfway house, those residents who had experienced two or more prison terms and who had most recently been convicted for a violent crime were most likely to recidivate while in the facility. Other substantively significant factors were alcohol use, religious attendance, and the experience of mental health counseling. Programmatic implications of these results are discussed.

Indigenous peoples of Ecuador have organized and mobilized over the past thirty years, partly to reshape their identities after centuries of domination. This research is a preliminary effort to explore the contemporary complexity of that identity. Best viewed as a quantitative casestudy, this analysis uses responses from seventy-six indigenous college students to a self-administered questionnaire. The authors found that indigenous students with greater "acculturation experiences" with mestizo culture were more strident in rejecting elements of that culture than were their colleagues who had had fewer encounters with mestizo elements of Ecuadorian society. While the tendency to identify oneself ethnically by rejecting the dominant culture represents only one dimension of ethnic identity (maintaining distinctiveness), the authors consider the findings important for future research on the dynamics of the process of ethnic identification.

Vernacular human medicine, otherwise known as folk or popular medicine, has received considerable attention from scholars in the United States, but little research has been done on how lay people dealt with livestock ailments prior to the professionalization of veterinary medicine. Using Tennessee in the nineteenth century as a case study, this paper examines the corpus of popular knowledge on the identification and treatment of horse ailments available to lay people in printed sources, focusing primarily on newspapers and to a lesser extent on patent medicine brochures and horse care handbooks. Information on horse medicine found in the newspapers was often in the form of a letter to the editor or as an excerpt from another periodical. Collectively, newspapers served as a national clearinghouse for popular veterinary knowledge. An examination of the horse remedies reported in the newspapers and other printed materials shows a close correspondence between the materia medica and therapeutic modalities used for treating humans with those used for treating horses. The paper also considers folk remedies for horse ailments and folk healers known as “horse doctors,” but the discussion is limited due to paucity of information available in the historical record.

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Bioarchaeology is the contextual analysis of biological remains from past societies. It is a young and growing discipline born during the latter half of the twentieth century from its roots in physical anthropology and archaeology. Although often associated with the study of ancient diet and disease, bioarchaeology leverages variable temporal scales and its global scope to provide a uniquely comparative perspective on human life that transcends traditional boundaries of the natural sciences, social sciences, and humanities. Here, we explore the public face of bioarchaeology and consider the trends in publication practices that reflect diversifying research strategies. Bioarchaeology is a popular topic on web-based science news aggregators. However, we identify a disconnect between bioarchaeology's traditional research emphases, emerging research foci, and findings that actually spark the public imagination. A majority of popular news articles emphasize basic discovery or "natural curiosities." Publication data indicate the field also remains regionally focused with relatively little emphasis on nomothetic goals. Nevertheless, bioarchaeology can do more to leverage its historical perspective and corporeal emphasis to engage a number of topics with importance across traditional academic boundaries. Big data, comparative, multi-investigator, interdisciplinary projects on violence, colonialism, and health offer the most obvious potential for driving research narratives in the biological and social sciences. Humanistic approaches that explore emotional connections to the past can also have merit. The diversity of research outlets and products indicates the field must embrace the importance of nontraditional activities in its value structure to maximize our potential in public arenas.

Between 1983 and 1992, the authors conducted an archaeological project that involved five years of survey and excavation in a 450 km2 study region that included portions of the high llanos (savanna grasslands) and adjacent Andean piedmont in the state of Barinas, Venezuela. Fieldwork (in 1983–1988) was followed by four years of laboratory analysis in the Departamento de Antropología at the Instituto Venezolano de Investigaciones Científicas (IVIC) in Altos de Pipe, state of Miranda. Our project was designed to investigate whether during pre-Hispanic times the study region had witnessed the development of a chiefdom, which we defined as a regional (multivillage) polity led by a paramount chief who ruled from a regional center and presided over a chiefly administration that was centralized but not internally specialized. Before beginning the fieldwork, we conducted a review of the historical literature concerning the indigenous societies encountered by the first Europeans to explore this part of Venezuela. These early accounts described various independent regional-scale societies comprising numerous villages, politically unified under the leadership of a paramount chief. This led us to wonder about the antiquity of chiefly societies and their territorial extent in our study region, so we developed a research design to explore whether chiefdoms had emerged there in pre-Hispanic times. Drawing upon the abundant theoretical and empirical literature on chiefdoms, we set forth a series of expected archaeological manifestations of chiefdom organization, grouped as follows: regional hierarchy and integration, size of the regional polity territory or territory administered, regional political center, social differentiation, political economy and village economy, ceremonialism, exchange, and warfare. We were also interested in evaluating explanatory models of chiefdom formation that emphasize a variety of causal factors, including local resource control, agricultural intensification, population growth, warfare, long-distance exchange, and ritual-ideological legitimization. Our fieldwork comprised three seasons of regional survey, during the summer months of 1983–1985, followed by two dry seasons (January–May) ofexcavation in 1986 and 1988. On survey we recorded a total of 103 archaeological sites in our study region that was centered on the Canaguá River valley, extending across the high llanos (savanna grasslands) and adjacent Andean piedmont. Site occupations pertained to two chronological periods: an early period dating to a.d. 300–1000 and a later period dating to a.d. 1000–1850, taking our coverage into the early historic period. We called the earlier of these occupations on the high llanos the Gaván complex, divided into the Early Gaván phase (a.d. 300–550) and the Late Gaván phase (a.d. 550–1000), the latter of which exhibited many of the characteristics consistent with the expected archaeological manifestations of a chiefly society. There was convincing evidence of a regional hierarchy. We recorded 34 habitation sites and two drained-field agricultural sites dating to the Late Gaván phase. Taking both site size and mounded architecture into account, we were able to define a three-tier settlement hierarchy in the region, with the 33 ha site of B12 as the sole first-tier center with the region’s largest earthen mounds, five other sites (B17, B21, B25, B30, and B97) as second-tier centers with smaller earthen mounds and ranging in size from 4.6 to 9.4 ha, and the remaining 28 habitation sites as third-tier villages that lacked mounds and varied in size from 0.5 to 5 ha. Regional integration during the Late Gaván phase was evidenced by an elaborate network of calzadas (earthen causeways or raised roads) that linked the first-tier center of B12 to four (and possibly five) of the second-tier sites and many of the third-tier sites. Our excavation strategy was designed to recover samples from all three tiers of the settlement hierarchy. We carried out excavations at five Gaván-complex habitation sites (B12, B97, B17, B21, B26) as well as at the drained-field site of B27. The size of the regional polity during Late Gaván times is consistent with the expected territorial extent of a chiefdom, which for theoretical reasons is not likely to exceed a radius of about one half-day of travel from the regional center; the reason is that such a territory could be managed by the regional leadership at the center without having to establish specialized subsidiary centers of regional administration. The distance between the first-tier center of B12 and the farthest village within its political region was about 17–18 km, and the total territory would have been roughly 290 km2. No part of the regional polity’s domain would have lain beyond a half-day of travel by foot from the first-tier center, as we would expect for a chiefdom. The site of B12 is consistent with the expectations for a regional chiefly center: larger in size and with a more formalized and imposing community layout than the other sites in the polity. During the Late Gaván phase, B12 covered more than three times the area of the next-largest site. The most impressive earthen mounds in the region were found at B12, which featured a 500 m long avenue lined by house mounds, with the two largest mounds, probablyceremonial in nature, facing each other from opposite ends of the avenue. B12 was also the only site circumscribed by an earthwork (as can be seen on the cover of this monograph) that probably had defensive functions. We judge the amount and diversity of public architecture at B12 to be consistent with the expected range for a chiefdom. Our excavations at several Gaván-complex sites found evidence of pervasive social inequality or differentiation during the Late Gaván phase, manifested by the differences between individual burials, between households, and between residential sectors within sites. Such institutionalized social differences would have helped to legitimize and reinforce the centralized but not internally specialized administrative organization of the Late Gaván chiefdom. Our Late Gaván phase data are also consistent with the expectations for the political economy and the village economy of a chiefdom. Evidence of agricultural intensification was found in the form of drained fields capable of doubling the crop yields of ordinary fields. Since there were no signs of local or regional population pressure, we conclude that the main purpose of these drained fields was to produce a surplus, which was sent to the regional leadership at B12 by way of the calzada system that linked the drained fields to the first-tier center. At the same time, local villages pursued a variety of productive activities consistent with basic economic self-sufficiency. The centralized political economy of the regional chiefdom was grafted onto a locally self-sufficient village economy that was capable of generating a surplus as part of its contribution to the regional polity. The largest and most elaborate ceremonial facilities of the Late Gaván phase were found at the regional center of B12, a pattern consistent with the expected archaeological manifestations of a chiefdom, where ritual can play an important role in legitimizing regional authority. Also, the distribution of imported luxury goods at Late Gaván sites was consistent with the expectations of a model of chiefly prestige-good exchange; exotic items obtained by the regional elite through long-distance exchange may be sent to secondary elites within the region, as a form of payment for the latter’s allegiance and assistance in mobilizing surplus on the local level. Probably as a consequence of such a two-way flow of surplus and prestige goods, certain exotic items (polished stone ornaments from the Venezuelan Andes and beyond) were found in relative abundance in our excavations at a second-tier center. It was at the regional center of B12 where we recovered the most evidence of warfare, consistent with models that view elite-directed warfare as an effective strategy for fomenting political cohesion in a regional chiefdom. B12 was circumscribed by an impressive oval earthwork that our excavations showed was topped by a palisade, similar to the defensive constructions described for 16th-century Venezuelan chiefdoms. B12 apparently suffered repeated attacksduring the Late Gaván phase, as evidenced by the recurring layers of charcoal and burned earth in the profile of the site’s largest mound. The widespread distribution of burned daub fragments in our test pits, especially in the uppermost levels, indicated that the regional center was completely abandoned after a final, catastrophic attack, which may have been launched against the Late Gaván chiefdom by a rival polity based in the Acequia–Anaro River drainage, the next major valley to the southwest. Since our Late Gaván phase data are consistent with the proposed archaeological expectations of a chiefly society, we also assess a series of explanatory models of chiefdom formation that have been proposed in recent years by anthropologists and archaeologists. Our method for testing these models involves an analytical comparison between the Early Gaván phase, when our study region shows no evidence of chiefdom organization (but was occupied by three small villages, one of which, B12, was larger than the others), and the Late Gaván phase, when multiple lines of evidence indicate that our study region was occupied by a chiefdom. To test each model of chiefdom formation, we determine whether the proposed causal variable was differentially associated with the B12 site during both the Early Gaván and Late Gaván phases, that is, over the time frame in which B12 was transformed from the largest of three small villages into the first-tier center of a regional chiefdom. Using data on changes over time in occupation area, architecture, and artifact distributions, we assess models that place causal importance on local resource control, population growth, warfare, long-distance exchange, and ritual-ideological legitimization in the formation of chiefdoms. Our analytical results are not consistent with models of chiefdom formation that attribute causal importance to ritual and long-distance exchange. Although these factors figured significantly in the dynamics of the developed Late Gaván chiefdom, they do not appear to have been instrumental in this chiefdom’s emergence. By contrast, our results do provide support for models that highlight local resource control, population growth, and warfare in the formation of chiefdoms. Not only were these factors important in the operation of the Late Gaván chiefdom, but, according to our analyses, they also played key causal roles in the initial appearance of chiefdom organization around a.d. 550.

Over the past 30 years, research in the anthropology of the body has documented the fact that many cultures do not view bodies as inherently individual, like in Western societies. Rather, bodies in many cultures have permeable boundaries, are internally partible with regard to the location of specific souls (animating essences) or other aspects of personhood, and are defined in terms of their relationships to objects and other people's bodies. Bioarchaeologists have become increasingly aware of the need to engage such non-individualized perspectives of bodies over the past 15 years and considering fragmented bodies is one way to do so. Commingled, secondary contexts are particularly fertile ground for considering aspects of partibility, permeability, and relationally defined bodies. One challenge for considering embodiment in such contexts is identifying when fragmentation was intentional and thus reflects an attempt to manipulate bodies on the basis of partibility or permeability. Here, we use a spatial analysis, Ripley's K function, to argue that bodies in a Maya mass grave were fragmented and manipulated by virtue of their partible, permeable, and relational nature. The case study highlights the fact that many elusive aspects of embodiment may be engaged in the material record in an empirically rigorous fashion through spatial analysis coupled with contextual data.