The recent history of Africa is one of rapid chance. This process is still continuing and even accelerating. The peoples of Africa are being drawn from a subsistence way of life to a money economy and, more often than not, from a rural to an urban environment. South Africa is no exception to this pattern. In fact, as the most developed country on the continent it is in the front-line of this transformation. Various facets of this problem have held the attention of anthropologists world-wide. Southern Africa specifically has produced some of the earliest urban studies (Hellman, 1948), as well as some of the classical contributions to the field (Mitchell, 1956, 1960, 1966, 1969, 1970; Epstein, 1958; Mayer, 1961, "(1971), 1962; Pauw, 1963). Complex as the urban problems are, anthropologists have obviously not been alone in this field. Workers from many disciplines have been and still are required to contribute to the understanding of the process or urbanization as well as the urban process. Partly for this reason no attempt has been made in the present study to illuminate all the varied facets of the urban field. In general, the focus has been on the urban process and more specifically, on part of a local-level political system. Thus only a limited problem has been selected for analysis.

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M.A. (Political Studies) / The Afrikaner had a gradual development as a "value-oriented society" and "siege culture" on the Cape eastern frontier from the eighteenth century onwards. Eventually they developed into a nation with its own features, values and philosophy of life. In times of crisis these values were emphasised and became the centre around which "the nation" was united. The Afrikaner can be seen as a "value-oriented society" and the values were represented by the National Party (NP) as leading political party for a long time. The Afrikaner felt culturally threatened and by 1948 this lead to a "siege culture". The NP took part in the 1948 general election and came into power with "apartheid" as policy or ideology and was therefore a "closed belief system". The split in the NP (and therefore in Afrikaner nationalism) lead to the forming of the Conservative Party (CP) in 1982. The purpose of this dissertation is to show that the CP, similar to the NP, developed from a "value-oriented movement" into a "siege culture segment" and eventually into a "closed belief system". To achieve this goal the following aspects were investigated : Factors which caused the split in the NP, the founding of the CP and its role in South African politics. The emphasis, however, is on the CP's participation and performance in the general election of 1987. In the late seventies and early eighties the governing NP moved away from its ideology of "apartheid" and initiated a process of integration. Through this the NP necessarily deserted a significant part of the Afrikaner nation politically and economically. Given unfavourable economical and political conditions, this segment of the Afrikaner felt threatened by extreme black nationalism, the so-called liberalism of the NP and various external factors. The CP was founded with traditional Afrikaner values such as religion, language and purity of race as basis and developed from a "value-oriented movement" into a "siege culture segment" due to the factors mentioned. The CP presented an ideology of partition for its first participation in a general election (that of 1987). Partition as "closed belief system" became the slogan of the CP in the 1987 general election. Since its foundation, the CP tried to take over the Afrikaner symbols which were originally articulated and represented by the NP. The CP only partially succeeded in this, since the Afrikaner is politically divided between the NP and the CP. The NP and CP both try to secure the overall survival of the Afrikaner by integration and partition respectively. This political disunity among Afrikaners was evident from the results of the 1987 general election.

M.A. / The year 1976 will always go down the history of South Africa as the pinnacle and turning point in the country’s politics by the unwavering stand took by the students, males and females alike in the education field to fight apartheid in all its forms. It was during this time that the borders of South Africa became sieve to its youth when they fled to neighbouring states to join the outlawed ANC in a special and only mission to unseat apartheid by way of military action, which, by then seemed the only option. In this mission, these women had to be like any liberation soldier whose main intention was to fight for his/her country and liberate its people from all forms of oppression. The entry and active participation of women who, largely were in their teens and of school going age, in MK was a great contribution and sacrifice that the South African women ever ventured into in a quest to liberate their country politically. This was a watershed in the history of the military or army in this land, because, for the first time, such a step of joining an army did not go along with remuneration package whatsoever attached as an incentive. These women saw MK as their last option and a difficult choice to make in the face of the suppression, torture and cold blooded killings they had to deal with regularly from the apartheid security forces. It was the peaceful mass protest actions by students, residents and workers against the unjust apartheid policies that finally led to the adoption of the armed struggle which women joined in an attempt to make a contribution. Their involvement in the liberation struggle was sacrifice in any definition in the sense that most of them had to abandon their schooling, their dreams, families, comfort of their homes to venture and forage into the unknown foreign lands to prepare to take part in a war or open confrontation against the well trained, well equipped and sophisticated SADF. These women ventured into this with the full knowledge of the repercussions and risks that went along with their actions that they stood to suffer greatly. Yet, they saw that as the only viable solution to their own circumstances they faced rather and opted to take the risk than to stay in the highly unsafe townships and locations which were supposed to be their safe homes.

M.A. / The following dissertation examines the political and economic policy approaches of the South African Communist Party for, in main, the period 1993 to 1996. The study is an exploratory one and relies largely upon the policy expressions that have emanated from the SACP, in official or related documents, during the period 1993 to 1996. Although interviewees are acknowledged in the appended source list, these have not been explicitly referred to in the text. The dissertation opens with the submission of an hypothesis, towards the tentative substantiation of which it works throughout. The hypothesis should none the less be subject to further consideration and critique. The central argument made in the dissertation is that: It is a product of the revisionism within the SACP that followed the upheavals in the Soviet bloc and the Apartheid state in the period 1989 to 1993, that the Party should no longer be understood according to older Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy or the two-stage revolutionary theory that sustained it during the exile period of 1950 to 1990. Moreover, the Party's fusion with the ANC by means of common programmatic platforms, in 1955 and again in 1993/1994, has allowed it to neglect the development of its vision of a post-apartheid socialist transformation. These factors resulted in the elimination of tangible benchmarks according to which the Party could have measured progress towards socialism in the period after the South African democratic election of 1994, and have exacerbated the Party's inability, by itself, or as part of a Left vanguard, to engage effectively with the Rightward shift that the post-apartheid democracy has taken since 1996. The study concludes, however, that there is some scope for the Party to engage with the global 'neo-liberal' order and South Africa's essentially liberal democracy. This engagement might be based upon the Party's now secular political agenda and should be aimed at deepening South Africa's democracy.

M.A. / The purpose of this study is to proide the SAPS with guidelines for managing the process of cultural change and to facilitate its transition from a militaristic to a learning organisation.

D.Litt et Phil. / The departure point of this research is that the emergence of a system of intergovernmental relations will have direct and profound implications for the development of the country as a whole, as well as providing an additional dimension to the understanding of the approach to development in South Africa. A sound academic understanding of the nature of development in this country will therefore have no choice but to take into account the structures and processes which the major role-player (government) makes use of to facilitate and implement development ...

D.Litt. et Phil. (Politics) / This study places on record South Africa‟s UN voting data from 1994 to 2008. It also investigates consistency in terms of South Africa‟s declared foreign policy and its actual voting practices at the UN during that period. The voting data and related speeches are drawn from the UN‟s Index to Speeches available through the UN Documentation Centre as well as from an examination of the recorded votes in the UN Index to Proceedings and the United Nations Bibliographic Information System (UNBISnet) – the two main databases concerning voting records in the UN and found in the Dag Hammarskjold online library. Using its own three-step model of voting behaviour, the study traces South Africa‟s declared foreign policy on selected issues in the first step; the Republic‟s voting actions on the issues in the second step, and then interpretations of the voting actions taken in the final step. By organising the voting data in this way, the study intends to make the examination of South Africa‟s voting behaviour within this multilateral forum more manageable. The model is applied to four themes identified as prominent within South Africa‟s foreign policy in the years under review. A table is also employed to assess if the voting is inconsistent, partly consistent or consistent with the declared policy under review. The Republic‟s voting behaviour is examined with regard to the following four themes: the promotion of human rights and democracy; disarmament and related non-proliferation issues; the advancement of African interests and the consolidation of the African Agenda within the context of North-South relations, and reform of the UN and the promotion of equitable global governance. The study concludes that between 1994 and 2008 there was congruity between South Africa‟s declared foreign policy and its UN voting behaviour in most respects. The Republic was mostly consistent on issues of UN reform, followed by the promotion of African interests, then disarmament issues and lastly with regard to human rights and democracy promotion. It is evident that South Africa has stumbled at times and sidelined certain principles, human rights promotion in specific countries most especially. It could be said that South Africa‟s foreign policy evolved from one unsure how to deal with human rights issues at the UN, to one rooted firmly in nurturing solidarity with its Southern partners in Africa and the rest of the world. This reflects a young democracy finding its way in the multilateral organisation and attempting to balance external expectations of the Republic with its foreign policy priorities. Overall South Africa demonstrated a fair commitment to its declared foreign policy, and principles, in its UN voting behaviour.

D.Litt. et Phil. (Public Governance) / South Africa’s negotiated revolution in 1994 was hailed by many observers as a beacon to other societies wracked by ethnic conflict. The Constitution adopted in 1996 was widely endorsed by most South Africans and by international commentators, as a model for building an equitable, developmental state, uniting the diverse aspirations of citizens. The author’s political and professional roles in recent decades has involved him in several dimensions of the democratic transition; and has made him acutely aware of the results-based urban governance debates, drivers and developmental dilemmas. Significant motivation for this thesis’ problem statement was that the constitutional vision, values and principles have been compromised by the processes of redefining the democratic state – exacerbated by the public governance caveats of political greed, managerial incompetence and systematic corruption of state power. Available evidence of systemic progress in the post-1994 public governance implementation and outcomes has been frequently negative, yet substantially inconclusive, in terms of the achievement of democratic equity and socio-economic development. The particular focus of the thesis is on the results-based co-operative government imperatives of rapid urbanisation and sustainable socio-economic urban development across the Cape Town City-region. Although the concept of a functional city-region is relatively new in South Africa, the significance of results-based urban developmental public governance has been internationally recognised and has been highlighted by the South African Cities Network, in its State of Cities reports. Expectations of effective community engagement and equitable services in the geo-politically heterogeneous, rapidly expanding Cape Town City-region, second most populous in South Africa, were the subject of the insightful Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development Territorial Review (2008). This review, one of an international series of city-regional studies, has served as the thesis baseline for the Cape Town City-regional developmental governance assessment, analysis and formative evaluation.

Effective change leadership is important to any organisation undergoing fundamental transformation. In particular, the ability of senior public sector leaders to successfully drive strategic change is crucial to meeting the developmental and service delivery challenges faced by the Province of the Eastern Cape in ensuring the effective, efficient and innovative government demanded by all its various stakeholders. The creation on 3 October of a Shared Legal Service situated in the Office of the Premier provided a unique opportunity to examine the leadership of this change initiative in the context of the organisational culture that existed in the provincial public service. This thesis consequently probes the phenomenon of effective change leadership by means of an examination of the understandings of the three change agents involved in driving the transformation of the provision of legal advisory services to the provincial administration and its constituent departments. The picture which emerges from the insights of the participants is one that casts a shadow over the validity of the contemporary theory of transformational leadership. Furthermore, the research conducted has identified the need to view the nature of effective change leadership through a more nuanced, situation-specific lens: one that appreciates the role of relationships and emotions, and that recognises the importance of culture and its impact on the success of organisational transformation. The case study of the Shared Legal Service change initiative provides useful insights into the many and varied challenges faced by public sector leaders in driving strategic transformation in the provincial administration. It offers an example of successful change leadership and demonstrates the need for change agents within the public service to harness more emotionally resonant and relational forms of leadership if they are to soar to new heights in meeting the service delivery expectations of all who look to provincial government to deliver the fruits of democracy.