A research report submitted to the School of Literature, Language and Media in the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Journalism and Media Studies by combination of coursework and research, Johannesburg, 2016 / This research report examines news media representation of political leadership and governance in South Africa between 2007 and 2013, when President Jacob Zuma served his first terms as ANC leader and later as the head of state. The research sought to find out what themes and ideas exist about political leadership in news media more than 20 years since the advent of democracy. Quantitative manifest content analysis is utilised to analyse newspaper articles from the City Press, Mail & Guardian, the Sunday Independent and the Sunday Times. The results show that media representation of political leadership is most discussed in opinion articles and editorials and relies on key democratic concepts such as freedom of expression and freedom of the media. The key themes and ideas that emerge include the personalisation of leadership, defining leadership, debate on how to lead, Zuma’s own leadership traits versus expectations and it became clear that news media evaluated Zuma as head of state or leader of the nation more often than as president of his party. / XL2018

Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the field of International Relations, at the University of the Witwatersrand, 2016 / In the early 1990s South Africa left the Apartheid-era and transformed into a country based on liberal democratic principles such as freedom and human rights. The soon to be inaugurated president, Nelson Mandela, promised that South Africa would base its new foreign policy on these same principles and the pursuit of the international human rights agenda. Initially this seemed to be the case; South Africa signed on to most international human rights conventions and even acted on these principles condemning Nigeria when the ruling regime executed human rights activists. However, once the country gradually began adopting neoliberal ideological positions, first domestically then in its foreign policy, the prominence of human rights in South Africa’s foreign policy began to wane. This is evidenced in South Africa’s actions on international organisations as well as the country’s approach to human rights challenges such as the Zimbabwean crisis in the early 2000s and the furore over planned visit of the Dalai Lama in 2011. Using a hermeneutic approach it is possible to gain an ontological understanding of the process by which this move towards neoliberalism lead to a economisation and commodification of South Africa’s foreign policy between 1994-2014. This in turn undermined the liberal democratic principles which underpinned the country’s international relations leading to a relegation of the human rights agenda to a subsequent by product which can be achieved through greater market liberalisation. / MT2017

On October 26 1988, for the first time in the country’s history, South Africans of all races will be expected to go to the polls to elect their local government representatives. Never before have these elections been held together on the same day. That is about all that is historically "new" about the coming local authority elections. Yet to the government, the forthcoming municipal elections are all-important. So much so, that it is now an offense to call on people to boycott the elections. This booklet will attempt to find some explanations for why the coming municipal elections are so important to the government. How do they fit into the National Party’s political plans for the country and, most importantly, how do the majority of politically unrepresented South Africans view the elections and the structures of local government?

After many deadlocks, accusations of negotiating in bad faith, marches and lunch-time pickets, more than 600,000 Public Sector Workers went on strike on 24 August 1999. The government then unilaterally implemented a 6.3% increase for public servants against their original demand of 10-15% increase. "The dispute goes back to January 1999, to a workshop dealing with the budgetary process. At this meeting the Department of Finance outlined its Medium-Term Expenditure Framework, for the first time to the public sector workers. In the MTEF the parameters for wage cuts, and 'non-negotiability’ were already set. All unions in the public service bargaining council presented their wage demands - 10% to 15%” [COSATU paper on Public Sector Workers Fight for a Living Wage.] Thereafter COSATU and government officials met over the next few months until May 1999, when a dispute was declared. On the 29th March 1999, COSATU commented ‘To the Unions it is clear, government is not prepared to negotiate - it has already made up its mind’ [COSATU document - Public Sector Workers Fight for a Living Wage] During the period May-June COSATU Unions decided to “throw their weight behind the ANC election campaign.’’[ibid.]. By the August 1999 the unions compromised their demand from 10% to 7.3% increase. Towards the end of August the government unilaterally implemented ei 6.3% increase for public sector workers, and 4% increase for itself. It then went on an ideological media campaign against the workers claiming that the 4% increase for members of parliament is much less than what has been granted to the public sector workers. / Vol. 5 no. 3

Months were spent researching and preparing this four-part series on the dramatic events surrounding NELSON MANDELA, the life-term prisoner who has cast a larger than life shadow on South African politics. Staff writer DENNIS CRUYWAGEN travelled extensively to interview at first hand — or by other means, where necessary — those stalwart ANC veterans who were convicted in the Rivonia Treason Trial and jailed with Mandela. He talked, too, to members of the Mandela family, politicians, lawyers and many others who were close to or knowledgeable about the ANC leader. Official records and other sources on the life and times of Nelson Mandela were also consulted. Compiling the vast amount of information sometimes led to unusual situations. For instance, Mrs Winnie Mandela, always pressed for time, was interviewed — not in her home in Diepkloof, Soweto, as arranged but in a hired car in a Johannesburg traffic jam while following a vehicle driven by her driver. She was late for another appointment. Drawn from various sources this series sets out to reconstruct an overview of 25 years and more of political and personal drama, passion and poignancy. / Supplement to The Argus, Tuesday February 6 1990 / Exclusive Part 1

The inauguration of the Government of National Unity created the necessary conditions for us to start the challenging task of changing South African society for the better. This is what we had set ourselves to do during the years of struggle to rid our country of apartheid. Now South Africans can, under conditions of freedom, work together to make our country the land of our dreams. This means further enhancing the freedoms we now enjoy; improving the security of citizens at home, in the streets and at work; and raising the quality of life of all the people. Reconstruction and development means all these things: to change all aspects of our lives for the better. Among the urgent tasks the government has set itself is to work together with all citizens to improve the provision of education, health services, housing, water supply, land, electricity, refuse removal, roads and so on. This demands of government that we change the manner in which public funds have all along been used. Everything should be done to create conditions in which the economy can improve and provide more jobs. To realise all these objectives requires co-operation among us as hard-working and responsible citizens. Immediately the Government of National Unity was installed, we started the planning required to meet these goals. At the same time, we also launched Presidential Lead Projects aimed at improving the lives of especially the poor, women and children. But this was just the beginning. For, in the end, we should change the allocation of all public funds towards the new priorities. Government should involve the people more actively at all stages of reconstruction and development. We should operate in an open manner guided by the wisdom of the people themselves. From the projects started last year, many of these ideals have started to take shape. But we continue to learn many lessons. This booklet outlines the concrete steps that have been taken thus far, in the long journey towards a better life for all. As this account shows, this task is not an easy one. But, working together, in the spirit of Masakhane, South Africans are more than capable of realising the good things that our beautiful country can offer.

The Unity Movement was established in 1943 after long and hard struggles of the disfranchised oppressed people in South Africa against foreign domination by first the Dutch and then the British ruling classes. The Non-European Unity Movement (NEUM) as it was named was the first National liberation movement to base itself upon several most important principles and policies: (i) That there could be only ONE SOLUTION for all the people in South Africa to bring freedom, justice and peace. Thus the UNITY of the oppressed and exploited who were denied all citizenship rights was a vital necessity.(ii) That the ruling class and all its agents among us had done everything possible to prevent the oppressed from uniting in their struggles. They had used the tactics of divide-and-rule as a major weapon against our struggles. The struggle for UNITY was always to be one important answer to these divide-and-rule tactics.(iii) That the ruling class used the myths of "race" and the "inferiority" of persons of colour, language, "culture" and separate schools, housing areas, hospitals, churches, jobs, etc., etc., to divide people. The Unity Movement declared war on racism, tribalism and all forms of discrimination. It strove to educate and organise the oppressed to UNDERSTAND WHY AND HOW WE were oppressed. It also strove to teach the oppressed that only a united people could win the freedom struggle; the ruling class were always united; as a disunited people we could never win our liberation struggle. (iv) That our democratic rights had been known for centuries. But we must know them and demand ALL of them. Democracy could not exist if people had some democratic rights and lacked others. We had to know this because dishonest political activists used the masses to get privileges (concessions) for themselves while they pretended to struggle on behalf of the masses. There was a minimum we must always demand, but we could and must strive for even more. (v) That the oppressed were robbed of their land and their possessions (mainly livestock); their homes were destroyed. They were driven into labour camps and mission stations after these wars of dispossession. They were forced to work as cheap labour in the mines and on the farms and in the factories and homes of the conquerors. Landlessness was a feature of all colonies conquered by the warring colonial powers. Today these colonial powers form the basis of World Imperialism. This World Imperialism is the main enemy of every oppressed nation with a history of colonial conquest. It is imperialism that paid for and bought over the collaborators who have been in government since April 1994. But now that they are part of government the collaborators are paid out of the taxes they collect from workers and others they now help to oppress. (vi) That the struggle for the land by the combined unified efforts of workers, landless peasants and the rural poor was a vital part of our struggles. Victory here would help to root out unemployment, homes broken up by the migrant labour system, by a lack of education and necessary skills, poor health, starvation and lack of simple things like drinking water and proper sewage. Thus the struggle for the land (point 7 of our programme) and all the other 9 demands belonged together as part of ONE struggle. That in our struggle the interest of the workers, the landless peasantry and the millions of rural poor are our first concern. And that the struggle against foreign domination (that is, against World Imperialism) was part of our struggle for total liberation. In the light of these founding principles and policies it is clear that a "government of National Unity" set up by the de Klerk Government and World Imperialism (that is, the USA, Canada, Britain, Japan and the European Community) cannot bring liberation peace and justice to us. / Abantu bebanye abasoze boyiswe! = Abantu bemunye abasoze behlulwe!

Thesis (M. Admin.) -- University of Limpopo, 2000 / Refer to document

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M. Tech. Business Information Systems / Information and communications technology (ICT) has proved to be a significant tool for both private and public sectors in the enhancement of service delivery. Organisations need to identify the socio-economic, political and technological needs that would help them to strengthen their business positions in order to remain competitive in the globalised economy. To achieve this goal, organisations need to accelerate the ICT skills (e-skills) development within their settings. However, there is a general lack of e-skills within South Africa. Further still, there is also lack of standards that could be followed in the development of these skills. This calls for a contextualised framework to guide e-skills development within the South African private and public sectors. The goal of this study was to use a balanced scorecard to develop a framework that could be used to align e-skills development with the strategic business objectives of the Limpopo Provincial Government of South Africa.