Bibliography / Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--Stellenbosch University, 2010.

The intention of this dissertation is to expose the gendered experiences of rape victims, based on the notion that while it should be the purpose of rape laws to protect victims of rape, in many circumstances the legal process results in disempowering experiences for victims, particularly women. Therefore, I suggest that the courtroom, a supposedly just space, is one which is laced with patriarchal undercurrents that work specifically against women. Rape is a complex and multi-faceted subject that is fast becoming an epidemic. In relation to HIV/AIDS and sexuality, the issue of rape certainly becomes compounded. Deconstructing the historical and cultural experiences of women is not only necessary in attempting to understand rape, but also the reasons why the justice system, which is dominantly a male domain, may still cling to patriarchal principles. One reason for the marginalization of rape victims may be the continued regard of women as second class citizens. The rape trial, in which Jacob Zuma was the alleged rapist, is a starting point, and by referring to this case, I intend to reveal and discuss weaknesses with regard to rape law within the South African context. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2009.

M.A. / Political satire in the print news media is a significant part of irony that specializes in gaining entertainment from politics. Jonathan Shapiro (alias Zapiro), and his Lady Justice cartoons of Jacob Zuma, which were published in the Sunday Times on 7 September 2008 and in the Mail & Guardian on 12 September 2008, has brought this function to the foreground in South Africa. This study focuses on the ‘Jester’s Space’ in the print media in relation to The Lady Justice cartoons because of their controversial nature and the possible effects they had on the print news media agenda. The goal of the study was to examine the debates that ensued in select print news media in Gauteng between 24 August 2008 and 31 December 2008. In order for the study to explore the role of the political cartoonist in the South African context, it considers the development of political cartooning globally and in South Africa. It draws on the Agenda-Setting theory. This theory postulates that the media audiences accept guidance from media for determining what information is most important and worthy of attention (Graber, 1984). This study makes use of qualitative and quantitative content analysis in order to analyse the Agenda-Setting function of the Lady Justice cartoons in selected Gauteng English and Afrikaans newspapers – chosen because they represent different media houses, which would ensure a range of editorial and public views. The study successfully shows that Zapiro’s cartoons were able both to frame and set the agenda for the debate themes that were discussed in the public sphere.

A research report submitted to the School of Literature, Language and Media in the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Journalism and Media Studies by combination of coursework and research, Johannesburg, 2016 / This research report examines news media representation of political leadership and governance in South Africa between 2007 and 2013, when President Jacob Zuma served his first terms as ANC leader and later as the head of state. The research sought to find out what themes and ideas exist about political leadership in news media more than 20 years since the advent of democracy. Quantitative manifest content analysis is utilised to analyse newspaper articles from the City Press, Mail & Guardian, the Sunday Independent and the Sunday Times. The results show that media representation of political leadership is most discussed in opinion articles and editorials and relies on key democratic concepts such as freedom of expression and freedom of the media. The key themes and ideas that emerge include the personalisation of leadership, defining leadership, debate on how to lead, Zuma’s own leadership traits versus expectations and it became clear that news media evaluated Zuma as head of state or leader of the nation more often than as president of his party. / XL2018

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, 2015. / Submitted by Albânia Cézar de Melo (albania@bce.unb.br) on 2016-04-01T15:24:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_NataliaAdrielePereiraSousa.pdf: 1243153 bytes, checksum: c1952defd537168fe594647c97077d1b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana(raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2016-04-01T19:23:03Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_NataliaAdrielePereiraSousa.pdf: 1243153 bytes, checksum: c1952defd537168fe594647c97077d1b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-01T19:23:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_NataliaAdrielePereiraSousa.pdf: 1243153 bytes, checksum: c1952defd537168fe594647c97077d1b (MD5) / As expropriações de terra chanceladas por leis foi um dos pilares do sistema de segregação racial implementado na África do Sul durante o colonialismo e o regime do apartheid (1948-1994). A reforma da terra (programa governamental de restituição/ redistribuição das terras roubadas da população negra) foi, e continua sendo, um dos principais desafios para a efetivação da democracia no país. A criação de atos foram um dos principais instrumentos utilizados pelo Estado sul-africano para lidar com os paradoxos da restituição de direitos. O governo de Jacob Zuma (2009-2014) foi marcado pela criação de novas instituições e de novos marcos legais no que tange as políticas de reforma da terra. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar as disputas e controvérsias suscitadas pela criação do novo marco legal sobre reforma da terra. As disputas sobre o tema no debate público (reuniões de grupos de trabalho, reuniões do parlamento, mídia, declarações públicas) nos permitem compor os quadros ideológicos relacionados à reforma da terra, contribuindo para um melhor entendimento da dinâmica da ação política acerca da questão da terra no país. _______________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / The land dispossession stamped by acts was one of the pillars of the segregation system implemented in South Africa during the colonialism and the apartheid (1948- 1994). The land reform (government program of restitution / redistribution of land stolen from blacks) was, and remains, a major challenge for the realization of democracy in the country. Creating acts were one of the main instruments used by the South African state to deal with the paradoxes of rights restitution. The Jacob Zuma's government (2009-2014) was marked by the creation of new institutions and new legal frameworks regarding the land reform policies. This dissertation aims to analyze the disputes and controversies arising from the creation of the new legal framework on land reform. Disputes on the topic in the public debate (meetings of working groups, meetings of parliament, the media, public statements) allow us to compose the ideological frameworks related to land reform, contributing to a better understanding of political action of the dynamics on the issue of land in the country.

In this minithesis I conduct a critical discourse analysis to take on a double-pronged task. On the one hand I explore the social phenomenon of the contestation between supporters of then-ANC deputy president Jacob Zuma and supporters of his rape accuser. The trial, which took place in the Johannesburg High Court between mid-February and early May 2006, stirred intense public interest, both locally and internationally. The performance of thousands of Zuma’s supporters and a far smaller number of gender rights lobby groups, both of whom kept a presence outside the court building throughout the trial, received similar attention. Second, I examine how the Sowetan, a national daily tabloid with a black, middle-class readership, mediated the trial through pictures of the theatre outside the court and letters to the editor. The study is informed by post-Marxist and cultural studies perspectives, both approaches that are concerned with issues of power, ideology and the circulation of meaning within specific sociocultural contexts. A rudimentary thematic content analysis draws out some of the main themes from the material, while the critical discourse analysis is located within a theoretical framework based on concepts from Laclau & Mouffe’s theory of meaning, which assumes a power struggle between contesting positions seeking to invalidate one another and to either challenge or support existing hegemonies. This is further informed by, first, Laclau’s theorisation of populism, which assumes that diverse groupings can unite under a demagogue’s banner in shared antagonism towards existing power, and second, by concepts from Mamdani’s theorisation of power and resistance in colonial and post-colonial Africa, which explicates three overarching ideological discourses of human rights, social justice and traditional ethnic practices. The study, then, explores how these three discourses were operationalised by the localised contestations over the trial.

This study explored how social media are setting the agenda of the traditional media and re-defining the role of the journalists. Content analysis was done to analyse the coverage of Jacob Zuma stories in newspapers and on Facebook, from the 1st of February until the 30th of June 2018.The sample for the study was drawn from three local newspapers, the Citizen, the Sowetan, the NewAge (AfroVoice), as well as the Facebook page called #Zumamustfall. This was done to determine if newspapers which are traditional media were being influenced by social media in what stories to report on. Results from the study showed that social media are influential in building an agenda for the traditional media and in particular, with the Zuma story. In the same vein, it emerged that traditional and social media set the agenda for each other. Based on these findings the research recommends that other social media sites including Twitter be used in similar research to determine their effects on agenda setting of traditional media (newspapers). / Communication Science / M.A. (Communication Science)

The 2014 national general elections were characterised by a cloud of scandal hanging over the ANC, and the ANC president Jacob Zuma. The biggest and darkest cloud was the Nkandla scandal. Owing to a reported R246 million spent by the state to refurbish his private home, the president stood accused of wasteful expenditure and financial irregularity. In a country reeling from the continued effects of apartheid, which include high unemployment and poverty, the scandal was a bombshell. According to a vocal and often adversarial mainstream media sphere, the ANC went into those elections with an albatross around its neck. The dominant thought was that the ruling party would suffer a heavy loss of votes. This outcome did not materialise. The ANC lost a marginal share of its previous vote. Mainstream media and civil society were confounded. What had happened? Why had poor black South Africans continued to vote for a party that was obviously in breach of the constitutional order? Against the mismatch between what was predicted or purported and the outcome, this study investigates how young people in the township of Joza, Grahamstown, interpreted one of the biggest political scandals in South Africa’s fledgling democracy. Using a combination of subaltern studies, counter public sphere and audience study, the research looks into the interpretation of a mainstream media scandal that was supposed to diminish the chances of the ANC retaining power, but, instead, barely dented its majority. Through a combination of interviews and participant observation, the study found that young people in the township of Joza demonstrated that they chose to ignore the messages about the corruption of the ANC. The data suggests that they did so, not because of overt racial solidarity, but due to the fact that in a context of high inequality, and continued limitations on economic emancipation, the party shone brightly as a vehicle for economic development. Overall, the study argues that the seemingly dubious undertaking to continue with the ANC is a calculated decision that makes sense when viewed within a given socio-economic context.