Thesis presented in fulfilment of requirements for the degree of MA at the University of the Witwatersrand, 2017 / This thesis examines the role of the Sun City casino within the context of apartheid homeland policy. The casino was established in the bantustan of Bophuthatswana in 1979, following the abolition of gambling in South Africa, with introduction of the 1965 Gambling Act. This study is motivated by two research questions: (1) the political and economic effects of the casino’s operation in Bophuthatswana; and (2) Sun City’s promotion of Bophuthatswana’s status as an independent state from South Africa. The research for this project was obtained through archival and manuscript materials, oral interviews as well as newspapers archives. The thesis is divided into five chapters which track the trajectory of Sun City’s development. The development and construction of Sun City are explored with regards to the financial contributions by the Bophuthatswana and South African governments. Secondly, the role that the governments of Bophuthatswana and South Africa played in the development of the casino and the political impact thereof. Further, the employment at the casino is investigated, regarding the economic promises made to the both the governments by Southern Sun. The area surrounding Sun City had a high unemployment rate and the resort was promoted as means to curtail this problem. The attractions Sun City offered such as burlesque shows and prostitution are discussed, with specific reference to the casino as a place of racial integration and conspicuous consumption. The sanctions and boycotts are explored regarding the cohort of international sporting and musical entertainers hosted at Sun City and the shifts in the boycott following 1990. Lastly, the fall of bantustan policy is outlined, for the reincorporation of bantustan territories into South Africa highlighted questions of gambling legality. This thesis concludes that Sun City brought exposure and infrastructure to Bophuthatswana, but most of the motivations employed to build the casino, such as high taxation, increased employment and the development of a heritage for the ‘Tswana’ people never materialised. The Sun City casino scheme aimed to further enrich individuals such as Kerzner and Mangope and the marketed benefits were not realised for the Bophuthatswana citizens. / XL2018

Thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Masters in History at the University of the Witwatersrand Johannesburg, South Africa 2017 / This dissertation examines and explains the underlying social, ideological and economic reasons why the white population of Ermelo gravitated to a politics of the extreme in the years 1960-1994. In contrast to commonly held views that the growth of ultraconservatism correlates neatly with economic trends this dissertation argues that ultraconservatism in Ermelo emerged due to varying complex and at times contradictory reasons. By examining white society at the time of conquest in the 1860s, it is argued that whites in this area formed racist views from the time of settlement as the commercial success of their newly acquired farmland was dependant on the exploitation of cheap black labour. The focus of this study is however, on the emergence of new ultraconservative political parties from the late 1960s to the early 1990s which formed in reaction to National Party and local political dynamics. It is argued that the bedrock of conservative views was moulded during the time of initial settlement, however, for various reasons throughout the years these views were held and propagated. This study is a local history of ultraconservatism in Ermelo and illuminates particularities in the town’s white politics within the context of profound changes in Afrikaner politics nationally. White working-class workers and farmers supported ultraconservatives while white business people supported the NP and their politics of reform. This dissertation made use of public and private archives as well as life history interviews with various long-time residents of the town. It is argued that although capitalism was the main motivator for ultraconservative views and politics in the mid 1800s, it was also capitalism that brought about reform and created a platform for negotiation in the 1990s when ultraconservative political parties threatened the peaceful transition into a democratic South Africa. / XL2018

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the partial requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at the University of the Witwatersrand Department of African Literature, March 2017 / XL2018

Op ’n sonnige Saterdag- oggend op Montagu kom daar ’n gekap en geraas uit ’n groot skuur. In die agter- grond sing ’n vrou ’n op- gewekte deuntjie. Wie werk so hard en so vrolik op ’n Saterdag? En waarom? Toe Ons Leer Mekaar onder- soek gaan instel, het ons die Montagu Skrynwerkers Ko- operatief leer ken - ’n be- sonderse groep mense wat op ’n besondere manier werk. Hulle is ’n span van tien, waar- van vier vroue is. En almal in die span is saam eienaars van die skrynwerkers-besigheid. Maandag-oggende besluit die span wat hulle target vir die week is. "En as ons nie target slaan nie, dan moet ons sit, al is dit Saterdag", vertel Leon de Koker, die produksie- koordineerder. "Jy werk vir jouself, so aan die einde van die dag kan jy nie ’n baas blameer, of se baas waar is my loon nie. Hier moet almal saamtrek. Elke lid deel in die winste van die ko-operatief, maar ook omgekeerd: as ons verliese maak, deel elkeen daar in." Die ko-operatief maak futon- beddens en ses-hoekiae tafels, wat landwyd verkoop word. Futon beddens lyk soos harde plat matrasse wat op die grond oop gegooi word. Die tafels word veral in kantore gebruik, omdat baie tafels in- mekaar pas om ’n groter tafel te maak. Dit word ook trapazoidal tafels genoem. Baie council huise op Montagu het nie elektrisiteit me. Die skrynwerkers verkoop hulle afval-houtjies teen R1 ’n sak vir brandhout. Die semels verkoop hulle aan die boere wat hoenders en perde aanhou. "In die somer noem ons dit die Coke-fonds, die geldjies wat so inkom", se Leon.

The struggle reaches back to the days of the first white settlement in our country. In this chapter we will look at some of these traditions of our struggle. We will learn more about the people who were in South Africa when the settlers came, and how they fought bravely to live in peace on their land. We will also read about the many changes that happened, particularly after diamonds and gold were discovered and how people continued to struggle against the new conditions that made their lives even harder. / “We call the farmers of the reserves and trust lands. Let us speak of the wide land, and the narrow strips on which we toil. Let us speak of brothers without land, and of children without schooling. Let us speak of taxes and of cattle, and of famine. LET US SPEAK OF FREEDOM.”

No description available.

M. Tech. Public Management / In this case study of the Section 79 governance model, adopted by the City of Tshwane in 2011, the researcher explores the feasibility of the implementation of the Section 79 Governance Model in the local government. The key lessons learnt from the experience of the implementation of Section 79 Governance Model by the City of Tshwane are used to make three sets of recommendations. The first set of recommendations advises policy makers in RSA on development / establishment of a legislative framework that would formalize the section 79 oversight committees. The second set of recommendations relates to identifying the challenges faced by the City of Tshwane in implementing the Section 79 governance model. The third set of recommendation identifies the resources required for successful implementation of section 79 governance model.

M. Tech. Comparative Local Development / This study is an assessment of post-apartheid policies operating in the period dating from 1994-2012. Pre-1994 racial inequality was formalised through apartheid laws. Apartheid therefore created National Innovation Systems (NSIs) which were selective and exclusionary, benefiting the White minority. After the end of apartheid the Government of National Unity (GNU) was faced with the task of redressing past imbalances through redistribution and macro-economic policies. This assessment looks at policies at two levels, these being the redistribution and macro-economic policies. It is noted that the implementation of redistribution (socio-economic) and macro-economic policies has yielded mixed results; for instance, although the budget allocation towards housing has increased, supply has been low.

The clash between South Africa's dual need of a new political identity and economic viability reflects not only the difficulty in conducting a traditional foreign policy with a strong ideological overlay but also has spurred the debate over whether her foreign policy is to be conducted on the basis of expediency or principle. This study argues that although the shift to a post-apartheid society has created the context for South African foreign policy to be shaped by a new culture of human rights, it remains an interest-based pragmatic activity rather than an exercise in the projection of ethical values or ideological principles. It seems that the African National Congress (ANC)-led government has not yet resolved the basic contradictions that have bedevilled its international thinking since it came into power. Faced with this dilemma, South Africa is often reduced to straddling the fence by half-heartedly supporting principles on one occasion (as in its relationship with the Republic of China), and on another pursuing its economic interests (as her intention to sell arms to the People's Republic of China attests). The government's basic goal of developing fruitful political and economic linkages without sacrificing the principles which underpin wider policy has proved elusive. The central proposition of this study is that the defining parameters of South African foreign policy have remained largely indeterminate because of the realities of the conflicting interests posed by its domestic and external concerns. In essence, the inability to reconcile primary foreign policy goals (preservation of national economic interest) with new foreign policy aspirations (promotion of human rights and peace through the pursuit of justice and fair-play) reflects a tense ambivalence in the founding principles of post apartheid South African foreign policy. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.

The thesis begins with an examination of the literature on television news, taking particular note of the arguments for and against the 'dominant ideology thesis'. It is the contention of the work that the notion of 'professionalization' is a two sided one: while creating patterns and strategies of repetition and formulaic responses, during the emergency it was conversely used protect the integrity of a cadre of working journalists. In South Africa a State of Emergency was declared on 17 July, 1985, and successively renewed until 2 February 1990. An important element of the Emergency legislation were the stringent media restrictions placed on print and televisual journalists. This thesis examines the content and application of these restrictions, as well as the part played by the Bureau for Information in providing a bureaucratic base for the policy of media containment. The thesis argues that the restrictions, as well as the State of Emergency as a whole, was predicated on the South African Government's understanding that the country was facing a 'Total Onslaught', which could only be countered by a 'Total Strategy'. The empirical section of the thesis examines the manner in which the processes of political violence and reform were imaged on the televisual news broadcasts of South African Broadcasting Corporation, in the period July 1985 to November 1986. Under the discussion of 'Reform' particular attention is paid to P.W. Botha's opening speech to the Federal Congress of the National Party in Durban, 17 August, 1985; as well his opening address to Parliament the following year; followed by an examination of the communication of reforms concerning influx control and urbanisation. In defining political violence a distinction is made between the government's use of the word 'unrest' and 'terrorism', which is contrasted with the critical concepts of 'mass action' and 'insurgency'. The narration of the declaration of the State of Emergency, and some of the main thematic motifs which accompanied reporting in this period, specifically the insistence that the security forces, and through them, the government, was in constant control; and the concept of 'black-on-black' violence as a driving force in the political upheavals, are dissected. This is followed by an analysis of the television coverage of political violence in Durban (August 1985); Crossroads (June 1986) and the contracted 'Unrest Reports' which were regularly broadcast throughout the State of Emergency. In the final chapter, the portrayal of the ANC as a terrorist organisation is examined, together with the attitudes of those who were believed to support them. The thesis concludes with a re-examination of the dominant ideology thesis, specifically as it can be said to have applied to the television news broadcasts discussed in this project. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1992.