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Foreign observers in South African elections : an assessment of their contributionsHofmeyr, Jan Hendrik 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Over the past three decades the practice of international election observation has
shifted its focus from elections taking place within a decolonialisation context, to
those in independent, but formerly undemocratic, states. The latter accepted the
presence of international observers with some reservation, citing the contention
that observation amounted to an infringement on national sovereignty. The
demise of the former East Block, however, established the primacy of the liberal
democratic ideology in world politics, leaving these states with a limited choice
between democratisation and isolation.
Pro-democracy supporters in former authoritarian countries embraced the
change in ideological climate. Realising the lack of capacity and trust to run
elections by themselves, they generally supported the presence of international
observers in elections of states emerging from prolonged periods of
authoritarianism. Over the past decade this affinity with international missions
has been transformed into skepticism. Three primary reasons for this
disenchantment have been the apparent lack of electoral standards,
uncoordinated observer missions and failure to convince voters of their
impartiality.
This assignment represents a scholarly attempt to evaluate the contributions of
international election observers to South African elections. On a theoretical level
it addresses the three criticisms against foreign observation. Drawing on the vast
body of international literature, the author suggests three countermeasures.
These suggestions, aimed at enhancing the contributions of international
observer consist of: 1) a greater consideration for the political context within
which an election takes place; 2) the pooling of international observer capacity
and 3) more scope to, and cooperation with, local observer groups. Each of
these measures is transferred to the South African electoral reality to establish
the extent of their application in this practical context. With regard to the first proposal the author finds that clear consideration has
been given to contextual factors in both elections. An assessment of the quality
of coordination of international observer groups also indicates that the practice of
pooling resources have been employed with success by a number of missions. In
this field the U.N. played a leading role. Cooperation between international
observers and their local counterparts is however an aspect that has been
lagging behind. The opportunity for capacity building, a significant benefit of
such cooperation, has therefore to a large extent been lost. In the light of this,
and the uncertainty of future international involvement, the author asserts that in
future South Africans will increasingly be dependent on the cultivation of
homegrown capacity. He therefore believes that initiatives such as the creation of
the SADC Electoral Forum in 1998 are commendable and should be
encouraged. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die fokus van internasionale verkiesingwaarneming het in die loop van die laaste
drie dekades wesenlik verskuif van die tradisionele dekolonisasie
verkiesingskonteks, na waarneming binne onafhanklike state waar die
omskakeling van outoritêre na demokratiese regeringsvorms redelik onlangs
plaasgevind het. Laasgenoemde state moes waarnemers, en die verkiesings wat
waargeneem is, met voorbehoud aanvaar. Die alternatiewe was egter beperk.
Die val van die voormalige Oosblok en die gevolglike triomf van die liberale
demokrasie, het ondemokratiese state met 'n eenvoudige keuse gelaat: hervorm
of staar isolasie in die gesig.
Pro-demokratiese groepe in voormalige outoritêre state het die nuwe klimaat van
politieke vryheid verwelkom. In die besef dat nuwe demokrasieë waarskynlik nie
oor die nodige ervaring en wedersydse vertroue binne die bevolking beskik om
verkiesings volkome te laat vlot nie, is buitelandse bystand - met inbegrip van
internasionale waarneming - deur dié groepe verwelkom. In die afgelope dekade
het die positiewe konnotasie aan internasionale verkiesingswaarneming egter in
gedrang gekom. Drie kernredes hiervoor was die skynbare gebrek aan
universele verkiesingstandaarde, swak georganiseerde waarnemer afvaardigings
en 'n algemene gebrek om hul motiewe bo verdenking te plaas.
Die sentrale oogmerk van hierdie werkstuk is die evaluasie van die bydraes
gemaak deur internasionale verkiesingswaarnemers in die twee Suid-Afrikaanse
verkiesings van 1994 en 1999. Op 'n teoretiese vlak is die drie bogenoemde
gebreke aangespreek, en na raadpleging van internasionale literatuur oor die
onderwerp is drie teenmaatreëls geidentifiseer. Hierdie aktiwiteite, gemik op
meer effektiewe internasionale betrokkenheid bestaan uit: 1) groter aandag wat
geskenk moet word aan politeke konteks; 2) die kombinering van internasionale
waarnemer vaardighede vir beter resultate, en 3) groter klem wat gelê moet word
op samewerking tussen nasionale en internasionale waarnemers. Elkeen van hierdie vereistes is oorgedra na die Suid-Afrikaanse verkiesingskonteks om vas
te stel tot watter mate dié gebruike in Suid-Afrika wortel geskied het.
Wat betref die eerste voorstel met betrekking tot konteksgebonde evaluasie, is
daar vasgestel dat dit wel deel was van internasionale waarnemer praktyk in
beide verkiesings. 'n Waardeskatting van die koordinasie van internasionale
waarnemingsgroepe dui verder daarop dat samewerking tussen
waarnemergroepe oor die algemeen bygedra het tot 'n versterking van
inisiatiewe deur internasionale waarnemers. Op hierdie gebied het die Verenigde
Nasies veral 'n sleutelrol gespeel. 'n Aspek wat egter agterweë gebly het, is die
vlak van samewerking tussen internasionale waarnemers en hul Suid-
Afrikaanse eweknieë. Hier is 'n waardevolle geleentheid verspeel om die
kapasiteit van plaaslike verkiesingswaarnemers te versterk. Dit, en die feit dat
toekomstige internasionale teenwoordigheid in die toekoms nie 'n sekerheid is
nie, sal volgens die skrywer, beteken dat Suid-Afrikaners in die toekoms
toenemend aangewese sal wees op die ontwikkeling van eie kapasiteit. In die lig
hiervan moet inisiatiewe soos SAOG se nuutgestigte Verkiesingsforum
verwelkom en aangemoedig word.
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Where Zimbabwe got it wrong - lessons for South Africa : a comparative analysis of the politics of land reform in Zimbabwe and South AfricaSibanda, Nkanyiso 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a comparative study of the politics of land reform in Zimbabwe and South
Africa. Robert Cox’s critical theory is the theoretical framework used in carrying out the
study. The particular focus of this thesis falls on the similarities and differences that exist in
the two countries regarding the politics of land reform. Both countries share striking
similarities, some of which include: In both countries, soon after the advent of democracy
the majority of blacks lived in poor marginal areas where the land was/is less productive
than the rich and fertile arable land owned by whites. In both countries, the minority
whites are richer than the majority native black people; in both countries, land
redistribution was a key national goal of the incoming governments immediately after
independence; in both countries, land redress did not however happen as immediately as
the incoming governments had promised. In Zimbabwe, the process only began some 20
years after independence while in South Africa, it is now 15years since 1994 when the ANC
came into power and still, the racially skewed agricultural land ownership patterns are yet
to be conclusively addressed.
Some of the differences discussed in the study include; the types of governments in the two
countries; land reform policies of the two countries; the type of societies as well as the
relationship between Zimbabwe’s war veterans to the ZANU PF government.
Steps are already underway to redress the distorted land ownership patterns in South
Africa but is the process happening quick enough to prevent South Africa from facing the
problems associated with inequitable land ownership patterns such as those that were
faced by Zimbabwe? Where and how did Zimbabwe get her land redistribution process
wrong? What lessons can South Africa learn from the case of Zimbabwe? Chapter two and
three of the thesis will provide a general overview of the politics of land in the two
countries, while chapter four will show the similarities and differences that exist. Chapter
five will conclude by showing the lessons that South Africa can learn from Zimbabwe while
also suggesting areas for further study. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n vergelykende studie van die politiek van grondhervorming in Zimbabwe
en Suid‐Afrika. Robert Cox se Kritiese Teorie is die teoretiese raamwerk wat gebruik word
in die uitvoering van die studie. Die tesis fokus spesifiek op die ooreenkomste en verskille
van hierdie twee lande wat betref die politiek van grondhervorming. Beide lande deel
opvallende ooreenkomste, wat die volgende insluit: Kort na kolonisasie is die meerderheid
swart mense in arm agtergeblewe gebiede geplaas, waar die land minder produktief is/was
as die ryk en vrugbare akkerland in besit van blankes. In beide lande is die minderheid
blankes ryker as die meerderheid inheemse swart mense. In albei lande is die herverdeling
van grond 'n belangrike nasionale doelwit van die nuwe regerings onmiddellik na
onafhanklikheid. In beide lande het die herverdeling van grond egter nie dadelik
plaasgevind soos die nuwe regerings belowe het nie. In Zimbabwe het die proses eers 20
jaar na die land se onafhanklikheid begin. Dit is nou 15 jaar sedert 1994, vandat die ANC in
Suid‐Afrika aan bewind gekom het, en nogsteeds is die ongelyke rasverdeelde
grondeienaarskappatrone nie finaal aangespreek nie.
Sommige van die verskille wat in die studie bespreek word sluit die volgende in: die tipes
regeringstelsels wat die twee lande volg; grondhervormingsbeleid van die twee lande; die
tipe samelewings, asook die verhouding tussen Zimbabwe se oorlogsveterane en die ZANU
PF‐regering.
Stappe is reeds geneem vir die regstelling van die ongelyke grondbesitpatrone in Suid‐
Afrika, maar is die proses besig om vinnig genoeg te gebeur om te verhoed dat Suid‐Afrika
voor dieselfde uitdagings as Zimbabwe te staan kom? Waar en hoe het Zimbabwe se
grondherverdelingproses verkeerd geloop? Watter lesse kan Suid‐Afrika leer uit die geval
van Zimbabwe? Hoofstukke twee en drie van die tesis gee 'n algemene oorsig van die
politiek van grond in die twee lande, terwyl hoofstuk vier ooreenkomste en verskille wat bestaan aantoon. Hoofstuk vyf sluit af deur aan te dui wat die lesse is wat Suid-afrika van Zimbabwe kan leer.
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Globalisation : democratisation, neo-liberalism, and development-aid in South AfricaMlitwa, Nhlanhla Boyfriend Wilton 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study has set to describe and explain the causal relationship between the process of
globalisation, and that of democratisation and development in South Africa. Understanding
this process required an analysis of the political and economic patterns followed, and policy
choices made by state elites in South Africa, and to compare these processes with other
countries that are also integrating into the global political economy.
In South Africa, the dominance of the external factor on the country's socio-economic and
development policy making process is exposed in this study. Analysis of the progress of
South Africa's macro-economic policy (GEAR) in creating sustainable economic growth, and
in linking it with the locally defined notion of 'people-based development' (as per RDP
document, 1994) over a five-year period reveals firstly, that while GEAR is portrayed as both
an economic and a 'people-based development' policy, it is an externally oriented policy
whose ends are largely the promotion of transnational capitalist interest. The contradiction is
that while a redress of development discrepancies (i.e. by providing social-welfare, health,
education, clean water, electricity, transport and housing) calls for an increase in government
expenditure, GEAR's fiscal stance prohibits such spending.
South Africa's development policy represents a much broader and a common problem in the
global socio-economic superstructure, solutions for which cannot be derived by analysing the
policy of only one country, but the whole transnational political-economic system.
The problems of the current global political-economic order and its development programs
remains naked for all to see. Even common sense indicates that the North-South power
relations are one-sided, problematic and should not be allowed to continue indefinitely as
they stand. In addition, that the underdeveloped countries should continue to play an active
role in global structures such as the UN, the UNOs such as UNCTAD, the WTO, and other
international institutions if they are to impact on policies that govern the North-South
relations. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om die verhouding tussen die proses van die ontplooiing van
globalisasie, demokratisering, neo-liberalisme en sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling in Suid-
Afrika, te beskryf en te verduidelik. Om hierdie verhouding te kan verstaan is 'n analise van
die politiese en ekonomiese patrone wat gevolg word en beleidskeuses wat deur staatselites
gemaak word, van hierdie nuwe demokratiese staat, nodig.
Die oorheersing van eksterne faktore oor die Suid-Afrikaanse beleidsmaking ten opsigte van
sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelings het in die studie na vore getree. 'n Analise van die
vordering van die Suid-Afrikaanse makro-ekonomiese beleid (GEAR), in die skepping van
behoudbare ekonomiese groei en die skakeling daarvan met die plaaslike nosie (RDP
dokument, 1994) van "mens-gebasseerde" ontwikkeling oor 'n periode van vyf jaar, het
geopenbaar dat GEAR, wat voorgestel is as 'n ekonomiese en sosio-ekonomiese
ontwikkelingsbeleid, terselfdetyd 'n eksterne georienteerde beleid is wat transnationale
kapitalistiese belange promotiseer. Daar bestaan kontroduksie tussen die oogmerke van
GEAR. Eerstens beoog GEAR die vernouing van die ontwikkelingsgaping in Suid-Afrika
(deur die voorsienig van maatskaplike dienste, gesonheidsdienste, opvoeding, skoon water,
elektrisiteit, vervoer en behuising) iets wat 'n verhoging van staatsuitgawes tot gevolg sal hê,
terwyl GEAR se beleid sulke verhoogde uitgawes aan bande lê.
Dit is voor die handliggend dat die Noord-Suid magsverhouding eensydig is, en problematies
is vir ontwikkeling en moet dus nie toegelaat word om voortgesit te word nie. Verder moet
onderontwikkelende lande voortdurend 'n aktiewe rol speel in globale strukture soos die
UNCTAD, die WHO, die VN en ander internasionale institusies as hulle enigsins 'n impak op
die beleid wat die Noord-Suid verhoudinge beheer, wil maak.
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The two presidencies in the new South Africa : implications for consolidation of democracyFukula, Mzolisi Colbert 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Following FW De Klerk's decision on the 2nd of February 1990 to unban black liberation
movements, release of Mandela from prison and the uplifting of the state of emergence, a
process of irreversible change was set in motion in South Africa. This process of change was
captured in the four-year dramatic series of negotiations sometimes referred to as 'talks about
talks' and the real negotiations at Kempton Park, which ensued immediately after De Klerk's
ground-breaking speech in 1990. The negotiations ultimately resulted in the i~interim
constitution of 1993 which served as the basis for the 1994 elections.
The election in turn ushered South Africa into a new epoch of an electoral democracy
characterised by most of the ingredients of a normal democracy. The new born "electoral
democracy" met the seven conditional institutions/ principles for a polyarchy as prescribed by
. Robert Dahl, namely universal suffrage; free and fair elections; right to run public office;
freedom of expression; right to access information; freedom to form organizations of great
variety and responsiveness of the government to voters and election outcomes. But the key
question relates to its consolidation - is it consolidating?
Responding to this question is the gist of this not-so comprehensive comparative thesis, whose
particular focus is the presidency in the new South Africa - both of Mandela and Mbeki. This is
done through the help of the both institutional as well as socio-economic approaches to
democracy. That is, 'without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible' (Linz and
Stepan .1996.p14) and without favourable socio-economic conditions, democratic institutions
are unlikely to endure and consolidate.
The institutional analysis puts under spotlight the presidency and decision-making trends,
specifically the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) for the
Mandela's presidential era and the Policy Co-ordination Advisory Services (PCAS) Unit for the
Mbeki's. On socio-economics it looks at how Mandela and Mbeki dealt with the inequality
problem issue. This study will not deal with issues such as ethnic heterogeneity or class issues in relation to consolidation of democracy, except insofar as they illustrate something about
policies on inequalities. It eventually assesses the implications for the consolidation of
democracy in the new South Africa by contrasting Mandela and Mbeki's approaches to the
economy i.e. Mandela's ROP and Nedlac and Mbeki's GEAR and International Investment
Council. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Proses van onomkeerbare verandering in Suid-Afrika is in werking gestel met FW de Klerk se besluit
op 2 Februarie 1990 om die bevrydingsbewegings te ontban, Mandela en ander politieke gevangenis
vry te laat en die noodtoestand op te hef. Dié proses van verandering het op 'n vier jaarlange
onderhandelingsproses uitgeloop wat aanvanklik getipeer was as "gesprekke oor gesprekke" en daarna
die ware onderhandelings wat by Kemptonpark plaasgevind het. Hierdie onderhandelings het gelei tot
die formulering van die interim grondwet van 1993 wat die basis gevorm het vir die eerste inklusiewe
verkiesing in Suid-Afrika in 1994.
Hierdie verkiesing het Suid-Afrika op die pad van 'n elektorale demokrasie geplaas wat die vereiste vir
alle normale demokrasieë is. Hierdie elektorale stelsel in Suid-Afrika voldoen aan al Robert Dahl se
sewe vereistes vir 'n poliargie, te wete algemene stemreg, vrye en regverdige verkiesings, die reg om
aan openbare instellings deel te neem, die vryheid van spraak, die reg tot inligting, die vryheid om
organisasies te vorm wat betrekking het op die verkiesingsproses. AI hierdie vereistes is noodsaaklik,
maar nie noodwendig voldoende om 'n demokrasie te konsolideer nie. Die vraag is dus of Suid-Afrika
konsolideer.
Om hierdie vraag te beantwoord vereis 'n omvattende ondersoek. Hierdie tesis is egter meer beskeie en
sal slegs konsentreer op die rol van die presidentskap in Suid-Afrika - Mandela en Mbeki, en te bepaal
of die style wat hulle gevolg het en die beleide wat hulle toegepas het konsolidasie in die hand werk of
nie. Daar sal gekyk word na die institusionele aspekte van die presidentskap se besluitnemingstrukture
asook na enkele sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat relevant vir demokratisering is. Die aanname in hierdie
tesis was "without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible" (Linz & Stepan. 1996), maar
sonder gunstige ekonomiese toestande (Przeworski en andere 1996), is die kanse dat 'n demokrasie
volhoubaar is gering.
Die instellings wat beskryf en ontleed word wat op die president se besluitnemingstyle dui is die
National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) wat Mandela betref en die Policy Coordination
Advisory Services (PCAS) wat Mbeki betref. Die sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat ondersoek is
handel in beide gevalle met hoe hierdie presidente die ongelykheids-problematiek in Suid-Afrika
aangespreek het wat ook op nasiebou betrekking het. Hierdie studie sluit kwessies soos etniese
heterogeniteit en die klassedebat uit, behalwe in soverre dit betrekking het op besluitneming en die
hantering van ongelykheid. Die implikasies vir konsolidasie word uitgespel.
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Foreign aid and NGO-state relations in South Africa : post-1994 developmentsRammutle, Radithebe 04 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the impact of foreign aid on the relations between Non-
Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the state in South Africa since 1994. There
are three different ways in which NGOs can interact with the state and public policy:
viz. they can support and help to implement policies, attempt to reform policies, or
oppose them. During apartheid, the nature of NGO-state relations was characterised
by political confrontation and distrust. NGOs primarily served as organisations of
opposition to the state's exclusivist and dehumanising policies. Many NGOs,
however, also provided developmental and social services to communities who were
neglected by the apartheid state.
After the first democratic election in 1994, the role of NGOs underwent a significant
process of change. Various factors contributed to this change. This study, however,
primarily focuses on the role of foreign aid and its effect on NGO activities in South
Africa, post-1994. This study relied on secondary data sources (both qualitative and
quantitative) available in the area of NGO state relations. The study also focused on
two major donor agencies in South Africa: European Union (EU) and United States
Agency for International Development (USAID).
Analysis of data reveals that, since 1994 much of the funding that was previously
directly channeled to civil society now goes to the state, which distributes it to
targetted NGOs. As a result many NOOs have collapsed because of a shortage of
financial resources to sustain their work.
Secondly, since 1994 the rationale and purpose behind international donor policies
has been to advance the New Policy Agenda (NPA), which is aimed at promoting free
market-orientated reforms and the consolidation of liberal democracy. As a result,
foreign aid donors have endorsed the liberal economic policies, which are set out in
the government's macroeconomic strategy, viz. Growth, Employment, and
Redistribution (GEAR). Thus, both government and donors have prioritised NGOs
who are involved in service delivery rather than those that are likely to challenge and
oppose liberal market policies. They have also shown preference to NGOs that are
more concerned with the norms and practices of procedural democracy as opposed to those that are concerned with issues of participatory and social democracy. This has
resulted in constraining the overtly political and advocacy role, which characterised
NGOs during the apartheid era.
International donors, via government disbursement institutions such as the National
Development Agency (NDA), have also constrained the work of NGOs by insisting
on numerous managerial related requirements that have been made conditional for the
receiving of financial support. Many small, informal, rural community based
organisation that lack the required administrative capacity have, as a result, been
facing serious financial crises.
Subsequently, NGO-state relations, since 1994, have become less adversarial and
confrontational. Most NGOs, complement and support the state's social services
delivery programmes and also serve as organisations which help shape the norms and
practices of procedural democracy. The study concludes, that the persistent
inequality, poverty and unemployment which is associated with the GEAR
macroeconomic policy and endorsed by international donor agencies, will lead to the
resurgence of advocacy NGOs. Furthermore, in order to resuscitate their role and to
ensure their vitality as organisations, which promote participatory democracy, it is
essential to focus on strategies, which can effectively challenge the current funding
environment to NGOs. These include, building the administrative capacity of both the
NDA and NGOs, ensuring NDA independence, and ensuring recognition by funding
institutions of the importance of advocacy NGOs in the consolidation of economic
democracy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die impak van buitelandse hulp op die verhoudinge tussen
Nie-Regeringsorganisasies (NRO'S) en die staat sedert 1994. Daar is drie verskillende
wyses waarop NRO's interaksie kan bewerkstellig met die staat en met openbare
beleid, naamlik, hulle kan help om beleid te implementeer, hulle kan help om beleid te
verander, of hulle kan beleid teenstaan. Tydens apartheid, is die aard van NRO - staat
verhoudings gekenmerk deur konfrontasie en wantroue. Die NRO's het primêr gedien
as organisasies van opposrsie teen die staat se eksklusiwistiese en
onmenslikingsbeleid. Talle NRO's het egter ook ontwikkelings- en sosiale dienste
voorsien aan gemeenskappe wat afgeskeep is deur die apartheidstaat.
Na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in 1994, het die rol van NRO's 'n beduidende
proses van verandering ondergaan. 'n Verskeidenheid faktore het bygedra tot hierdie
verandering. Hierdie studie fokus egter primêr op die rol van buitelandse hulp en die
uitwerking daarvan op NRO's se aktiwiteite in Suid-Afrika na 1994. Hierdie studie het
staatgemaak op sekondêre bronne (kwalitatief sowel as kwantitatief) in die gebied van
NRO's - staat verhoudinge. Die studie fokus ook op twee belangrike donateur
agentskappe in Suid-Afrika: die Europese Unie (EU) en die Verenigde State
Agentskap vir Internasionale Ontwikkeling (VSAlO).
'n Analise van die data toon aan dat, sedert 1994, heelwat van die befondsing wat
voorheen direk gekanaliseer is aan die openbare gemeenskap, nou na die staat gaan,
wat dit versprei na geteikende NRO's. Gevolglik het talle NRO's ineengestort vanweë
'n tekort aan finansiële bronne om hulle werk vol te hou.
Tweedens, sedert 1994 was dit die rasionaal en doelstelling van internasionale
donateurskapsbeleid om die Nuwe Beleid Agenda (NBA) te bevorder, wat as
doelstelling het die bevordering van vrye mark-georiënteerde hervormings en die
konsolidasie van 'n liberale demokrasie. Gevolglik het buitelandse hulp donateurs
liberale ekonomiese beleidvorming onderskryfwat uiteengesit word in die regering se
makro-ekonomiese strategie, nl. Groei, Werkverskaffing en Herverdeling (GEAR). Dus het sowel die regering as donateurs prioriteit gegee aan NRO's wat betrokke is in
dienslewering, eerder as dié wat geneig is om liberale markbeleid teen te staan. Hulle
het ook voorkeur gegee aan NRO's wat meer besorg is oor die norme en praktyke van
'n prosedurele demokrasie in teenstelling met dié wat besorgd is oor die vraagstukke
van 'n deelnemende en sosiale demokrasie. Dit het die resultaat gehad dat die openlike
politiese en kampvegtersrol wat kenmerkend van die NRO's was gedurende die
apartheidsera, beperk is.
Internasionale donateurs het, Vla regerings-instellings soos die Nasionale
Ontwikkelingsagentskap (NOA), ook die werk van NRO's beperk deur die aandrang
op talle bestuursverwante vereistes wat as voorwaarde gestel is vir die ontvangs van
finansiële ondersteuning. Talle klein, informele landelike gemeenskaps-gebaseerde
organisasies wat die vereiste administratiewe kapasiteit kort, het gevolglik ernstige
finansiële krisisse begin ondervind.
Daaropvolgend, het NRO-staat verhoudinge sedert 1994 minder konfronterend begin
raak. Die meeste NRO's ondersteun die staat se diensleweringsprogramme en dien
ook as organisasies wat help om die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurale demokrasie
te vorm. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die voortdurende ongelykheid,
armoede en werkloosheid wat geassosieer word met die makro-ekonomiese beleid van
die regering se program vir Groei, Werkskepping en Herverdeling (GEAR) sal lei tot
In nuwe opkoms van kampvegter NRO's. Voorts, ten einde hulle rol te stimuleer en
hulle lewenskragtigheid as organisasies te verseker, kan ons die huidige
befondsingsomgewing van NRO's doeltreffend uitdaag. Dit sluit in die bou van die
administratiewe kapasiteit van beide die NOA en NRO's, die versekering van NOA
onafhanklikheid, en die versekering van die erkenning deur befondsingsinstellings
van die belangrikheid van kampvegter NRO's in die konsolidasie van 'n ekonomiese
demokrasie.
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Investigating women's participation in protest politics between 1991 and 2001Wildschut, Angelique Colleen 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The involvement of women in both conventional and unconventional forms of political
participation in South Africa has over the past 10 years, and often at present, been
experienced as problematic and limited. Exacerbating the problem of limited access and
information, the study of, and literature about, women's participation in unconventional
forms of politics have also been limited. It is the aim of this study to contribute to our
knowledge in this area.
This study investigates women's participation in unconventional politics between 1991
and 2001. This period is specifically important, as it makes possible the examination of
trends in women's political participation before and after the democratic transition in
1994. This makes it possible for us to speculate about the influence of transition on
women's political participation.
I propose and evaluate two mam hypotheses in which I; firstly, expect women's
participation in protest politics to decrease between 1991 and 2001, and secondly, expect
to find women's levels of participation in protest to be consistently lower than that of
their male counterparts. The complex set of variables influencing women's participation
is evaluated according to the socialization and structural approaches, which offer
different assumptions about the reasons for the trends in women's participation.
In conclusion, I offer the main findings of my research, as well as suggesting possible
areas still to be investigated within the field, as deduced from the questions arising out of
my analysis in this project. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die betrokkenheid van vroue in beide konvensionele en onkonvensionele vorme van
politieke deelname in Suid Afrika, was oor die laaste 10 jaar, en is steeds ervaar as
problematies en beperk. Wat die probleem vererger, is die beperkte toegang tot
informasie, die studie van, en literatuur oor, vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele
vorme van politiek. Dit is in die strewe na die oorkoming van hierdie leemtes, dat hierdie
werk aangepak word.
Hierdie werk ondersoek vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele politiek tussen 1991 en
2001. Hierdie periode is spesifiek belangrik, omdat dit die demokratiese transisie na 1994
insluit, en om neigings in vroulike deelname voor en na 1994 te bestudeer. Dit maak dit
moontlik om oor die invloed van die transisie op vroue se politieke deelname te
spekuleer.
Ek stel, en evalueer twee hoof hipoteses waarin ek; eerstens, verwag dat vroue se
deelname in protes politiek sal verminder tussen 1991 en 2001, en tweedens, verwag ek
om te vind dat vroue se vlakke van deelname in protes, deurentyd laer sal wees as die van
mans. Die komplekse stel veranderlikes wat vroue se deelname beinvloed, word geevalueer
in terme van die sosialisering- en strukturele benaderings, wat verskillende
voorstelle oor die motivering van die geobserveerde neigings in vroue se deelname
oplewer.
Ten slotte, bied ek die hoof bevindinge van my navorsing aan, so wel as voorstelle ten
opsigte van moontlike areas vir verder ondersoek binne die veld.
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Nation-building in South Africa : Mandela and Mbeki comparedMokhesi, Sebetlela Petrus. 04 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with nation-building in South Africa since 1994 with a view to
finding out the direction taken by nation-building since then. This issue has been and
it still is a controversial issue in South Africa.
The new dispensation in South Africa occasioned a need for the creation of new
national institutions, leaders and policies for the nation. Hence, an inclusive/liberal
nation-building programme was put in place. Since 1994 this programme has been
carried out by two presidents, namely former president Mandela (1994-1999) and
President Mbeki (1999-2002+) respectively.
Nevertheless, these two leaders do not only subscribe to different philosophies but
also have two divergent approaches to nation-building. Although they are both
individualists, Mandela is Charterist whereas Mbeki is an Africanist. Moreover,
Mandela promoted nation-building through reconciliation and corporatism. Mbeki's
approach to nation-building, on the contrary, emphasises transformation and
empowerment through the market.
These approaches seem contradictory and thus mutually exclusive. This does not
augur weU for fragile democracy of South Africa. Therefore, an attempt will be made
to find out whether this is true and thus finding out the direction taken by nationbuilding.
This will be done by comparing the Mandela and Mbeki approaches to
nation-building. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk handeloor nasiebou in Suid-Afrika sedert 1994, met die doelom die
tendense sedertdien te bepaal. Dit was en is steeds 'n kontroversiële kwessie in Suid-
Afrika.
Die nuwe bedeling in Suid-Afrika het dit noodsaaklik gemaak dat nuwe instellings,
leiers en beleide in die nasie tot stand sal kom. Daar is vervolgens op 'n
inklusiewe/liberale nasiebou program besluit. Sedert 1994 was dit uitgevoer onder die
leierskap van twee presidente, te wete Mandela (1994-1999) en Mbeki (1999-2002+)
respektiewelik.
Dié twee leiers onderskryf verskillende filosofieë en het ook verskillende benaderings
tot nasiebou. Beide is individualiste, en Mandela die Charteris terwyl Mbeki weer die
Afrikanis is. Meer spesifiek, Mandela het nasiebou bevorder deur versoening en
korporatisme te bevorder. Mbeki aan die ander kant, plaas weer klem op
transformasie en bemagtiging deur die mark.
Hierdie benaderings skyn teenstrydig te wees. Daarom is 'n poging aangewend om te
bepaal hoe insiggewend die verskille is en wat die tendense is. Moontlik spel dit niks
goeds vir die nuwe demokrasie nie. Dit is gedoen deur Mandela en Mbeki sistematies
te vergelyk.
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Neo-liberalisme, ekonomiese groei, ongelykheid en armoedeverligting in Suid-Afrika : 'n evalueringDu Toit, Frouwien Reina 04 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The goal of this thesis was to evaluate the success of neo-liberalism in South Africa, with
specific reference to the capacity of the policy to eradicate poverty and reduce inequality.
The dispute about the aptness of nee-liberalism in South Africa also relates to the broader
debate concerning the success of neo-liberalism in creating economic growth to the
benefit of all members of society. A qualitative analysis of the research and diverging
opinions with regards to neo-liberalism was used to derive an objective framework for
the evaluation of economic policy. This framework was then used as the basis of an
evaluation of the success of neo-liberalism in South Africa.
It was found that neo-liberalism is generally successful in the generation of economic
growth with the capacity to address poverty, and that the implementation of neo-liberal
policies does not necessarily lead to an increase in inequality. It was, however, also
proven that there are specific cases in which neo-liberalism is not successful. It was
therefore argued that the continuation of neo-liberal policies in South Africa cannot be
justified on the grounds of the success of the policy in the global context. Seeing as the
success of the policy seems to be context specific, it was argued that evaluations of the
policy should have the same context specific basis.
Since South Africa's political transition ID 1994, neo-liberalism has gradually been
established as the foundation of economic policy. The success of neo-liberalism in South
Africa was therefore evaluated through an analysis of the changes in the levels of poverty
and inequality in the country since this transition. It was found that very little progress
has been made in the reduction of inequality, that poverty has increased and that South
Africa's Human Development Index (as an indication of the success of development
policy) has decreased since 1994.
It was therefore concluded that neo-liberalism in South-Africa is not successful, and that
it is thus necessary to identify an alternative framework for the eradication of poverty and
reduction of inequality in the country. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie tesis was om die sukses van neo-liberalisme in die verligting van
armoede en vermindering van ongelykheid in Suid-Afrika te bepaal. Die debat oor die
wenslikheid van neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika skakelook in by die breër debat rakende
die sukses van neo-liberalisme in die generering van ekonomiese groei tot voordeel van
alle lede van die samelewing. Daar is daarom gepoog om deur 'n kwalitatiewe analise
van die navorsing en verskillende standpunte oor die onderwerp 'n objektiewe raamwerk
vir die evaluering van ekonomiese beleid af te lei. Hierdie raamwerk is gebruik as basis
vir 'n evaluering van neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika.
Daar is bevind dat neo-liberalisme oor die algemeen suksesvol is in die generering van
ekonomiese groei ter verligting van armoede, en dat die implementering van neo-liberale
ekonomiese beleidsmaatreëls nie noodwendig gepaard gaan met groter ongelykheid nie.
Daar is egter ook bewys gelewer van spesifieke gevalle waar neo-liberalisme
onsuksesvol is. Daarom word daar geredeneer dat die voortsetting van neo-liberalisme in
Suid-Afrika nie op grond van die sukses van die beleid in die globale konteks gemotiveer
kan word nie. Die sukses van die beleid blyk konteks-spesifiek te wees, en die evaluering
daarvan behoort dus dieselfde konteks-spesifieke basis te hê.
Neo-liberalisme is sedert die politieke oorgang in Suid-Afrika in 1994 geleidelik gevestig
as die basis van ekonomiese beleid. Die sukses van neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika is dus
geëvalueer deur 'n analise van die veranderinge in vlakke van armoede en ongelykheid
sedert hierdie oorgang. Daar is bevind dat daar min vordering gemaak is met die
vermindering van ongelykheid, dat vlakke van armoede verhoog het, en dat Suid-Afrika
se Menslike Ontwikkelingsindeks (as aanduiding van sukses van ontwikkelingsbeleid)
sedert 1994 afgeneem het.
Daar is dus tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika rue
suksesvol is nie, en dat dit nodig is om 'n alternatiewe raamwerk vir die verligting van
armoede en vermindering van ongelykheid in die land te identifiseer.
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The global financial crisis : a crisis of legitimacy for the hegemonic world order and the implications for South AfricaWilson, Jeffrey G. 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to analyse the global economic system in light of the ongoing financial crisis, which is seen as a symptom of a larger crisis of the legitimacy of the capitalist system. It takes a critical approach based, first and foremost, on the theories of Karl Marx. To broaden this application, it also adopts the perspective of the World Systems and neo-Gramscian schools of thought. The study analyses, and synthesises, the theoretical contributions of these approaches, allowing for the conceptualisation of a World System, based upon the tenets of capitalism, with a hegemon, the United States of America, at its apex. Using the historical materialist method, it traces the genesis and progress of the capitalist model. It analyses the particular style of accumulation which precipitated the current crisis. From there it examines the situation in the semi-periphery, the locus of past socialist revolutions.
To this end, it regards the case of South Africa, an intermediary, between the industrialised core and the underdeveloped periphery. It uses Robert Cox‟s assessment of the importance of social forces in maintaining or supplanting a hegemonic project. Although the study finds South African society fraught with contradictions, alternative social movements currently remain unable to produce a coherent emancipatory programme. While the crisis, and other recent events, have illuminated the contradictions inherent to capitalism, despite widespread popular mobilisation, coherent responses from the Left remain deficient. The hegemonic structures and institutions are bereft of the necessary prescriptions for a resolution to the situation, yet in this moment of opportunity, the Left appears unable to articulate and mobilise sufficiently to bring about an emancipatory, counter-hegemonic, movement. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie probeer om die globale ekonomiese stelsel binne die konteks van die voortslepende finansiële krisis Hierdie krisies word beskou as 'n simptoom van 'n meer omvattende krisies onderliggend aan die legitimiteit van die kapitalistiese stelsel. Dit volg in die eerste plek ʼn kritiese benadering gebaseer op die teorieë van Karl Marx. Om hierdie toepassing te verbreed, word daar ook gebruik gemaak van die Wêreldstelsel- en neo-Gramscian denkskole. Die studie analiseer en sintetiseer, die teoretiese bydraes van hierdie benaderings, met inagneming van die konseptualisering van ʼn Wêreldstelsel, gebaseer op die beginsels van kapitalisme, met ʼn hegemoon, die Verenigde State van Amerika, aan sy spits. Met behulp van die historiese materialistiese metode gaan dit die wordingsgeskiedenis en verloop van die kapitalistiese model na. Dit analiseer die besondere vorm van akkumulasie wat grondliggend is aan die huidige krisis. Daarna ondersoek dit die situasie in die semi-periferie, die lokus van vorige sosialistiese revolusies.
Met daardie doel voor oë fokus die tesis op die geval van Suid-Afrika, ʼn tussenganger, tussen die geïndustrialiseerde kern en die onderontwikkelde periferie. Daar word bevind dat die die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing vol teenstrydighede is, maar, nietemin, alternatiewe sosiale bewegings tans nie daartoe in staat is om ʼn koherente emansipatoriese program tot stand te bring nie. Terwyl die krisies en ander gebeure, lig gewerp het op die teenstrydighede inherent aan kapitalisme, ontbreek, desondanks wydverspreide algemene mobilisering, koherente reaksies vanuit die Linksgesinde kamp. Die hegemoniese strukture en instellings ly gebrek aan lewensvatbare voorskrifte vir 'n oplossing en Linksgesindes, nieteenstaande die opportunistiese oomblik, is nie daartoe in staat is om te ʼn emansipatoriese, teen-hegemoniese beweging te artikuleer en te mobiliseer nie.
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Anti-corruption strategies in the South African public sector : perspectives on the contributions of complexity thinking and ICTs / Political corruption -- South AfricaHabtemichael, Faniel Sahle 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (PhD (School of Public Management and Planning
))—University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / Among the multitude of problems that contemporary
South Africa is faced with, is corruption. Corruption in contemporary South Africa has
spread to a systemic level, as evidenced through national and international research,
official government statements, and the media. The leakage of billions of Rand from
government coffers to greedy individuals is alarming. Allegations of corruption are
increasingly implicating top government and party officials.
Some of government payrolls are invaded by ghost workers; government accounts are
charged by over- and under-invoicing, phantom billing and ghost beneficiaries.
Resources are diverted and leaked in the process of supply chain activities. Against these,
ICTs are not well placed, despite their capabilities to counter administrative corruption.
The dissertation focuses on exploring the answers to the following questions in the South
African public sector.
i. What is corruption and why is it still increasing, despite the availability of
ICTs that can effectively assist in tracking and tracing irregularities in the
financial system?
ii. How sufficiently and effectively are ICTs designed to minimise susceptibility
to corruption in financial transactions, HR issues, and the activities (elements)
of the supply chain?
iii. How cohesive and integrated are the sub-systems and systems in the anticorruption
industry (organisationally, nationally and internationally) in order
to close the loopholes for corruption?
iv. Is there a nationally centralised database system that is used as a frame of
reference in administrative decision making?
v. What general problems are there in the anti-corruption system?
6
In the effort to move from the conceptual to the empirical level, these problems provide
the main stimulus for exploring the status and role of information technologies in the
anti-corruption system.
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