Diss. Uppsala : Univ., 2004.

A Research Report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Art in Political Studies, Johannesburg, 2017 / Despite their long history of organising, South African domestic workers are deprived of a platform to organise due to the post-apartheid state positioning itself as the primary articulator, representative, and protector of domestic workers‟ collective interests and the resultant displacement of the domestic workers‟ union in these roles. Even at its peak, the union struggled to rally domestic workers around its cause. The shift from “live-in” domestic work to “live-out” domestic work provides workers with greater personal freedom and less isolation from friends and family; allows them to gain some control over their working conditions and; challenges the “atomised” nature of domestic work as domestic workers interact quite frequently with each other in spaces such as taxis and buses, taxi ranks and street corners as they go about travelling to and from work every day. Domestic workers‟ engagement in the everyday practice of commuting to work and the spaces where domestic workers regularly interact with each other allow for the appearance of social networks where grievances can be shared and rallied around; mutual support is given and; information regarding work can be obtained. Significantly, these social networks are integral to the formation of collective identities and the building of political subjectivities of domestic workers, who as a group are deprived of a platform to organise. Furthermore a fuller conception of political action needs to be adopted. Domestic workers, who are without resources and the leadership of a vital union, find themselves in a position of political marginalization; yet participate in everyday forms of resistance. These coupled with their engagement in everyday life, constitute the invisible face of political mobilization. The social networks that have appeared show promise, however they are under-developed and have not yet been formalised in a way that organised action can ensue. As such it is possible that organisational impetus will have to come from the efforts of middle class actors belonging to NGOs, activists and government agencies as has been experienced in other parts of the globe. / MT2018

The study reviews the political transition after the first decade of democracy from the trade union leaders’ perspectives. It seeks to understand whether trade union leaders see workers as having reaped benefits from their struggles. Interviews were conducted with ten current and past trade union leaders on their perceptions about the political transition. The trade union leaders that were interviewed have rich experience of combining their organisational and mobilising strength with strategies of engagement. Their involvement with trade unions can be traced back during the dark years of Apartheid. Some of them are still active members of trade unions who are deeply involved in policy formulation at national level. Others occupy influential positions in the private and public sectors. The study investigates and analyses the labour movement’s objectives, strategies and struggles from the apartheid, transition, and democratic eras and into the future. It looks at how these objectives were achieved and how the strategies were implemented. The study revealed that progress was made in the political sphere, e.g. a parliamentary office was established to ensure that workers have a voice in parliament. The study found clear evidence of influence by the labour movement in economic and labour legislation through structures like NEDLAC. In the economic arena, the study found that workers’ economic expectations were partially fulfilled. Trade union leaders attributed this to the failure of the government’s GEAR policy to create jobs. They insisted that RDP should be implemented. The study revealed evidence of serious tensions within the ANC/COSATU/SACP Alliance. The study found that the influence of the labour ally, COSATU, in the Tripartite Alliance had been curtailed. The study also found that the strength of the labour movement eroded during the first decade of democracy. The research found that the labour movement took new initiatives such as union investment companies. The research also found support for the theory that COSATU’s obsession with alliance politics was a barrier to labour unity. COSATU was not involved in the merger talks between FEDUSA and NACTU. The respondents generally felt positively about the future prospects. Respondents were mostly optimistic about the political transformation. If there was slow delivery or no delivery by the government or business, the unions vowed to take to the streets.

Thesis (LLM)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The South African history of colonialism and apartheid created a massive housing crisis, and a basic service delivery deficit for the majority of people. Since the dawn of democracy, the current government has been trying to address this housing crisis and basic service delivery deficit. At the heart of the challenge created by this housing crisis, is the transformative vision of the Constitution and the proper role of courts, especially the Constitutional Court as the final arbiter of the rights protected and guaranteed in the Constitution. The central objective of this thesis is to investigate the extent to which the Constitutional Court has given substantive content to the right of access to adequate housing, particularly in the context of the positive duties arising out of this right as entrenched in section 26(1) and (2) of the Constitution. To this end, the history and present state of housing for residents of informal settlements, and those in inadequate housing, including the challenges presented by housing delivery, are explored. This thesis seeks to explore the concept of transformative constitutionalism, particularly its significance in relation to the right of access to adequate housing. The thesis goes on to trace the origins, strong and weak points of the reasonableness review model used by the Court to adjudicate the positive aspects of socio-economic rights, in the context of the right of access to adequate housing. This is followed by an examination of how housing as a human right has been interpreted and enforced in international, and comparative law. I then analyse the major housing jurisprudence of the Court, and suggest tentantive solutions towards redressing some of the impediments standing in the way of a substantive interpretation of the right of access to adequate housing. It is found that the Court has developed the substantive content of section 26(3) through the development of various procedural, and substantive protections of this right, including an expansive meaning of the requirement of justice and equity, requiring judicial oversight in all sales in execution against peoples’ homes, creative remedies such as mediation, joinder of a relevant municipality in eviction cases, meaningful engagement, and alternative accommodation as components of the requirement of justice and equity that would have to be met for an eviction to be lawful. In contrast, in the context of the positive duties imposed by section 26, the Court has adopted the reasonableness model of review without elaborating on the nature and scope of the right of access to adequate housing, and the values and purposes protected by this right in international law, and comparative law. Therefore, a relatively weak standard of judicial review is adopted by the Court when it adjudicates the negative duties of the right, as opposed to when it adjudicates the positive duties imposed by the right.This thesis proceeds to explore how the substantive interpretation of the right could be enhanced through following the methodology for interpretation of rights in the Bill of Rights prescribed in section 39(1) of the Constitution. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis van kolonialisme en apartheid het 'n massiewe behuisingskrisis, en 'n tekort aan basiese dienslewering vir die meerderheid van mense geskep. Sedert die aanvang van demokrasie, poog die huidige regering om die behuisingskrisis en tekort aan basiese dienslewering aan te spreek. Aan die hart van die uitdaging wat deur hierdie behuisingskrisis geskep is, is die transformerende visie van die Grondwet en die behoorlike rol van die howe, veral die Konstitusionele Hof as die finale arbiter van die regte wat in die Grondwet beskerm en gewaarborg word. Die hoofdoel van hierdie tesis is om ondersoek in te stel na die mate waartoe die Konstitusionele Hof substantiewe inhoud gegee het aan die reg op toegang tot geskikte behuising, veral in die konteks van die positiewe verpligtinge wat voortspruit uit hierdie reg soos verskans in artikels 26(1) en (2) van die Grondwet. Om dit te bereik, word die geskiedenis en huidige stand van behuising vir inwoners van informele nedersettings, asook dié in ontoereikende behuising, ondersoek met inbegrip van die uitdagings wat deur die lewering van behuising gestel word. Hierdie tesis poog om die begrip van transformerende konstitusionalisme te ondersoek, vernaam die belang daarvan met betrekking tot die reg van toegang tot geskikte behuising. Daarbenewens, ondersoek hierdie tesis die oorsprong, asook die sterk en swak punte van die Hof se model vir redelikheidshersiening om die positiewe aspekte van sosio-ekonomiese regte te beoordeel, in die konteks van die reg op toegang tot geskikte behuising . Hierop volg 'n ondersoek na hoe behuising as 'n menslike reg in internasionale en vergelykende regskontekste geïnterpreteer en afgedwing kan word. Ek analiseer ook die hoof behuisingsregspraak van die Hof ten einde voorlopige oplossings voor te stel met betrekking tot die regstelling van sommige van die hindernisse tot 'n substantiewe interpretasie van die reg op toegang tot geskikte behuising. Ten slotte, word daar gevind dat die Hof substantiewe inhoud aan artikel 26(3) gegee het deur die ontwikkeling van die prosedurele en substantiewe beskerming van hierdie reg, insluitend 'n uitgebreide begrip van die vereistes van geregtigheid en billikheid wat geregtelike oorsig in sekere omstandighede vereis: alle verkope in eksekusie teen mense se huise, kreatiewe remedies soos bemiddeling, die noodsaaklike voeging van munisipaliteite tot uitsettings , sinvolle betrokkenheid, en die voorsiening van alternatiewe akkommodasie as ‘n komponentvan die vereiste van geregtigheid en billikheid wat nagekom moet word vir 'n uitsettingsbevel om regmatig te wees. In teenstelling, met betrekking tot die positiewe verpligtinge wat deur artikel 26 opgelê word, het die Hof die model vir redelikheidshersiening aangeneem sonder om uit te brei op die aard en omvang van die reg op toegang tot geskikte behuising, en die waardes en doelwitte wat deur hierdie reg beskerm word in internasionale en vergelykbare regskontekste. Gevolglik is 'n relatiewe swak standaard van geregtelike hersiening deur die Hof vasgestel wanneer dit die negatiewe verpligtinge van die reg beoordeel, in teenstelling met wanneer die positiewe verpligtinge van die reg beoordeel word. Hierdie tesis poog om vas te stel hoe die substantiewe interpretasie van die reg bevorder kan word ingevolge die metodologie vir die interpretasie van die regte in die Handves van Regte soos voorgeskryf in artikel 39(1) van die Grondwet.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study has set to describe and explain the causal relationship between the process of globalisation, and that of democratisation and development in South Africa. Understanding this process required an analysis of the political and economic patterns followed, and policy choices made by state elites in South Africa, and to compare these processes with other countries that are also integrating into the global political economy. In South Africa, the dominance of the external factor on the country's socio-economic and development policy making process is exposed in this study. Analysis of the progress of South Africa's macro-economic policy (GEAR) in creating sustainable economic growth, and in linking it with the locally defined notion of 'people-based development' (as per RDP document, 1994) over a five-year period reveals firstly, that while GEAR is portrayed as both an economic and a 'people-based development' policy, it is an externally oriented policy whose ends are largely the promotion of transnational capitalist interest. The contradiction is that while a redress of development discrepancies (i.e. by providing social-welfare, health, education, clean water, electricity, transport and housing) calls for an increase in government expenditure, GEAR's fiscal stance prohibits such spending. South Africa's development policy represents a much broader and a common problem in the global socio-economic superstructure, solutions for which cannot be derived by analysing the policy of only one country, but the whole transnational political-economic system. The problems of the current global political-economic order and its development programs remains naked for all to see. Even common sense indicates that the North-South power relations are one-sided, problematic and should not be allowed to continue indefinitely as they stand. In addition, that the underdeveloped countries should continue to play an active role in global structures such as the UN, the UNOs such as UNCTAD, the WTO, and other international institutions if they are to impact on policies that govern the North-South relations. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om die verhouding tussen die proses van die ontplooiing van globalisasie, demokratisering, neo-liberalisme en sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling in Suid- Afrika, te beskryf en te verduidelik. Om hierdie verhouding te kan verstaan is 'n analise van die politiese en ekonomiese patrone wat gevolg word en beleidskeuses wat deur staatselites gemaak word, van hierdie nuwe demokratiese staat, nodig. Die oorheersing van eksterne faktore oor die Suid-Afrikaanse beleidsmaking ten opsigte van sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelings het in die studie na vore getree. 'n Analise van die vordering van die Suid-Afrikaanse makro-ekonomiese beleid (GEAR), in die skepping van behoudbare ekonomiese groei en die skakeling daarvan met die plaaslike nosie (RDP dokument, 1994) van "mens-gebasseerde" ontwikkeling oor 'n periode van vyf jaar, het geopenbaar dat GEAR, wat voorgestel is as 'n ekonomiese en sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelingsbeleid, terselfdetyd 'n eksterne georienteerde beleid is wat transnationale kapitalistiese belange promotiseer. Daar bestaan kontroduksie tussen die oogmerke van GEAR. Eerstens beoog GEAR die vernouing van die ontwikkelingsgaping in Suid-Afrika (deur die voorsienig van maatskaplike dienste, gesonheidsdienste, opvoeding, skoon water, elektrisiteit, vervoer en behuising) iets wat 'n verhoging van staatsuitgawes tot gevolg sal hê, terwyl GEAR se beleid sulke verhoogde uitgawes aan bande lê. Dit is voor die handliggend dat die Noord-Suid magsverhouding eensydig is, en problematies is vir ontwikkeling en moet dus nie toegelaat word om voortgesit te word nie. Verder moet onderontwikkelende lande voortdurend 'n aktiewe rol speel in globale strukture soos die UNCTAD, die WHO, die VN en ander internasionale institusies as hulle enigsins 'n impak op die beleid wat die Noord-Suid verhoudinge beheer, wil maak.

The focus of this study is on South Africa's transition to democracy. It is argued in this thesis, that an analysis of the transition to democracy in South Africa and the transformation of the con ict that prevailed in this divided society could generate new avenues for theorising about transitions to democracy in divided societies amidst con ict. The aim with this thesis is to contribute towards a more comprehensive understanding of the complex nature of the process of transition to democracy, and the relevant theory involved, particularly with regard to transitions in divided societies. One consequence of the deep divisions within South African society has been the increase in violence, which followed liberalisation. The transition to democracy in South Africa, as a result, was characterised by continuing and escalating violence. In South Africa, the authoritarian regime deteriorated mainly because of internal factors, but external factors also played an important role. The analysis of the transition has been guided by the hypothesis that the democratisation of South Africa was accomplished through a compromise that was negotiated between the major political actors and which re ected the intra-, as well as the inter-dynamics in the domains of, state - political society - civil society. Thus, the main theme of this thesis is, that in the analysis of the dynamics of the tran- sition to democracy in South Africa, a basic framework in which the domains of, state - political society - civil society, are the domains where structural variables (such as culture, economic development, class structures, increased education and the international environ- ment) and behavioural variables (such as major political actors, elite factions, organisations from civil society) interact. Thus, in the diachronic analysis of South Africa's transition, an interactive approach, that seeks to relate structural constraints to the shaping of contingent choice, is followed. At the same time, the institutional substitution of a new democratic political dispensation is examined. In conclusion, democracies are complex phenomena, and they are caused by many di er- ent forces and synthesizing the relevant theoretical approaches to political change provides a more cogent and comprehensive explanation of democratic transition in South Africa. / (D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics))

The imbizo was introduced in the light of the problems associated with indirect democracy, as well as attempts to bring democracy closer to the people in ways with which they are more familiar. The problem of the study was approached by putting the imbizo in perspective. Hence, a cybernetics model was used with the two information systems, namely the GCIS and the spider-web. They were used to describe the workings of the imbizo in the political system. A mixed method using both the quantitative and qualitative approaches investigated the problem by surveying students‟ understanding of the imbizo. A case study regarding service delivery and public participation was conducted at villages where the imbizo had been held. Generally, findings confirm the imbizo’s role as an instrument to enhance service delivery. The findings have some far-reaching implications for democracy: Unlike indirect democracy, the imbizo “takes the government closer to the people” through unmediated engagement of the people in order to realise direct democracy and accountability. / M.A. (Politics) / Political Science

Thesis (MA )--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The issue of democratic consolidation has become an important field of study in relation to developing states, especially with regards to Southern Africa. The region’s history of liberation struggles and the emergence of liberation movements as ruling parties are vital factors to take into account when investigating democracy and, more specifically, democratic consolidation in these countries. However, there are only a few comparative studies that have looked at the effects of liberation movement governance on democracy. Therefore, in this study two case studies – Zimbabwe and South Africa – are compared in an effort to offer more insight into this topic. The focus of the study was placed on how the behavior of liberation movement governments has affected the rule of law in order to assess their impact on democratic consolidation in general. This study follows the premise of studies in political behavior that actors’ attitudes (in this case, liberation movements’ political cultures) affect their behavior or actions that in turn have an influence on democratic institutions that eventually impacts democratic stability. In order to investigate this, the two case studies were compared and discussed in terms of the following themes: firstly, the respective liberation struggles and transitions to majority rule; secondly, the political cultures that have developed within ZANU-PF and the ANC during the liberation struggles; and lastly, the effect of the two parties’ behavior – informed by the political cultures – on the rule of law, a central feature of democratic consolidation. The findings indicate that in Zimbabwe, the rule of law disintegrated and democracy faltered largely due to the behavior of ZANU-PF. In South Africa, on the other hand, the rule of law has so far been upheld and the prospects for democratic consolidation seem more positive than in the case of Zimbabwe. In the last few years, though, the ruling ANC has shown tendencies that could prove to be detrimental to the future of democracy in South Africa. The ANC and ZANU-PF have both exhibited an authoritarian political culture, a desire to capture the state, tendencies towards centralization of power and the delegitimation of opposition. However, perhaps the key explanation for the protection of the rule of law in South Africa and the disintegration thereof in Zimbabwe has less to do with the political culture than the constraining influence of the international context with a renewed focus on democracy and human rights and internal factors such as the constitution, civil society and a robust media. Furthermore, Zimbabwe experienced a watershed moment in the 2000 with the constitutional referendum which the Mugabe regime lost. With the loss of the referendum, ZANU-PF’s democratic credentials were tested and it failed. In South Africa, such a watershed moment has not happened yet – the ANC’s democratic credentials have yet to be tested like this. Therefore, the future of democracy is still uncertain even though in comparison with Zimbabwe, the prospects of democratic survival seem to be more positive. In conclusion, it is not possible to claim that liberation movement governance in general negatively affects democratic consolidation. The findings of the study indicate that this has definitely been the case in Zimbabwe, but so far not in South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die kwessie van demokratiese konsolidasie het ‘n belangrike veld van studie geword in verband met ontwikkelende lande, veral met betrekking tot Suider-Afrika. Die gebied se geskiedenis van bevrydingstryde en die opkoms van vryheidsbewegings as regerende partye is belangrike faktore om in ag te neem wanneer demokrasie en, meer spesifiek, demokratiese konsolidasie ondersoek word. Tog is daar sover net ‘n paar vergelykende studies wat gekyk het na die effekte van bevrydingsbewegings se regeerkunde op demokrasie. Gevolglik, in hierdie studie is twee gevallestudies – Zimbabwe en Suid-Afrika – vergelyk in ‘n poging om meer insig te bied met betrekking tot hierdie onderwerp. Die fokus van die studie is geplaas op hoe die gedrag van regerende bevrydingsbewegings die oppergesag van die reg beïnvloed in ‘n poging om te bepaal hoe hulle demokratiese konsolidasie in die algemeen affekteer. Die studie volg die veronderstelling van studies in politieke gedrag dat akteurs se houdings (in hierdie geval die politieke kulture van die bevrydingsbewegings) beïnvloed hul gedrag of aksies wat weer ‘n invloed het op demokratiese instellings wat uiteindelik ‘n effek het op demokratiese stabiliteit. Om dit te ondersoek is die twee gevallestudies vergelyk en bespreek met betrekking tot die volgende: eerstens, die onderskeidelike vryheidstryde en oorgange tot meerderheidsregerings; tweedens, die politieke kulture wat ontwikkel het binne ZANU-PF en die ANC gedurende die vryheidstryde; en laastens, die effek van die twee partye se gedrag – geïnspireer deur die politieke kulture – op die oppergesag van die reg, ‘n sleutel kenmerk van demokratiese konsolidasie. Die bevindinge dui daarop dat die oppergesag van die reg in Zimbabwe in duie gestort het en demokrasie gefaal het grootliks as gevolg van ZANU-PF se gedrag. In Suid-Afrika, aan die anderkant, is die oppergesag van die reg sover gehandhaaf en die vooruitsigte vir demokratiese konsolidasie blyk om meer positief te wees as in die geval van Zimbabwe. Tog het die ANC oor die laaste paar jaar tendense getoon wat skadelik kan wees vir die toekoms van demokrasie in Suid-Afrika. Die ANC en ZANU-PF het beide ‘n outoritêre politieke kultuur geopenbaar, ‘n begeerte om beheer oor die staat oor te neem, tendense tot die sentralisering van mag en om opposisie te ondermyn. Alhoewel, die moontlike sleutel verklaring vir die beskerming van die oppergesag van die reg in Suid-Afrika en die disintegrering daarvan in Zimbabwe minder te doen het met die politieke kultuur as die beperkende invloed van die internasionale konteks met ‘n hernude fokus op demokrasie en menseregte en interne faktore soos die grondwet, die burgerlike samelewing en ‘n robuuste media. Verder, Zimbabwe het ‘n keerpunt beleef in 2000 met die konstitusionele referendum wat die Mugabe regime verloor het. Met die verlies van die referendum, is ZANU-PF se demokratiese getuigskrifte getoets en dit het gefaal. Suid-Afrika het nog nie so ‘n keerpunt beleef nie – die ANC se demokratiese getuigskrifte moet nog op so ‘n wyse getoets word. Daarom is die toekoms van demokrasie steeds onseker, maar in vergelyking met Zimbabwe, blyk dit dat die vooruitsigte vir demokratiese oorlewing meer positief is. Ter slotte, is dit nie moontlik om te verklaar dat bevrydingbewegings se regeerkunde demokratiese konsolidasie oor die algemeen negatief beïnvloed nie. Die bevindinge dui daarop dat dit definitief die geval in Zimbabwe is, maar sover nie in Suid-Afrika nie.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigated the challenges for journalism education and training (JE&T) in a post-1994 transforming South Africa. Prior to 1994, South Africa had three distinct university systems with different ideological orientations, namely historically Afrikaans-language universities, historically English-language universities, and historically “black” universities. The consequence of these orientations in the university system caused a paradigmatic schism in the field of JE&T. The advent of democracy in 1994 necessitated the questioning of this division in higher education. One could assume that there was need to transform the JE&T curricula so that it could address the challenges of a society in transformation. This study, therefore, aimed to establish whether JE&T curricula in three selected tertiary institutions in post-1994 South Africa have transformed in line with the transformation process in the country. The post-colonial theory, developmental journalism model and Ubuntu philosophy were deemed the most appropriate theoretical points of departure from which to analyse the curricula. A collective case study was used as a research design. To collect data, a mixedmethod approach, which utilised both qualitative and quantitative approaches, was used. Qualitative data were collected through use of programme documents from the selected journalism tertiary institutions and a semi-structured questionnaire, which was distributed to programme coordinators. Quantitative data were obtained through the structured questionnaire which was completed by students in the selected programmes. The qualitative data obtained were analysed using qualitative content analysis, while quantitative data were analysed using the statistical package SPSS version 18. The data were then analysed and discussed in terms of the selected theories. The analysis revealed that the three programmes are highly dependent on Western epistemologies. The programmes have a close relationship with the media industry, a relationship which at times can be a double-edged sword. The findings also show that the programme coordinators of these programmes are not averse to the transformation of curricula provided the process takes into cognisance Western epistemologies. The results also showed that in terms of gender and race, transformation has either been insignificant or non-existent. Lastly, all three programmes do not teach their students to report in indigenous languages. The final conclusion of the study is that JE&T in the selected programmes are not yet addressing the challenges of a transforming post-1994 South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het die uitdagings aan joernalistieke opvoeding en opleiding (JO&O) in ’n post-1994, transformerende Suid-Afrika ondersoek. Voor 1994 het Suid-Afrika drie verskillende universiteitstelsels met verskillende ideologiese oriëntasies gehad, naamlik historiese Afrikaanse universiteite, historiese Engelse universiteite en historiese “swart” universiteite. Die gevolg van hierdie oriëntasies in die universiteitstelsel het ’n paradigmatiese skisma in die veld van JO&O veroorsaak. Die koms van demokrasie in 1994 het die bevraagtekening van hierdie skeiding in hoër onderwys genoodsaak. Die aanname kon gemaak word dat daar ’n behoefte was om JO&O kurrikula te transformeer sodat dit aan die uitdagings van ’n samelewing in oorgang kon beantwoord. Hierdie studie het dus beoog om vas te stel of JO&O kurrikula in drie geselekteerde tersiêre inrigtings in ’n post-1994 SuidAfrika saam met die landgetransformeer het. Die postkoloniale teorie, ontwikkelingsjoernalistiek-teorie en Ubuntu-filosofie is geoordeel om die mees toepaslike teoretiese vertrekpunte te wees om die kurrikula mee te evalueer. ’n Kollektiewe gevallestudie is as navorsingsontwerp gebruik. As dataversamelingsmetodologie is ’n gemengde metodesbenadering gevolg, waarin kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe metodologieë gebruik is. Kwalitatiewe data is deur’n analise van die programdokumente van die geselekteerde tersiêre instellings versamel, asook deur ’n semi-gestruktureerde vraelys aan die programkoördineerders. Kwantitatiewe data is verkry danksy ’n gestruktureerde vraelys wat deur studente in die onderskeie programme voltooi is. Die kwalitatiewe data is geanaliseer deur kwalitatiewe inhoudsanalise, terwyl die kwantitatiewe data geanaliseer is deur die statistiese pakket SPSS weergawe18. Die data is daarna aan die geselekteerde teorieëgetoets en daarvolgens geëvalueer. Die analise het getoon dat die drie programme sterk steun op Westerse epistemologieë. Die drie programme het stewige verhoudings met die mediabedryf, ’n verhouding wat soms ’n tweesnydende swaard kan wees. Die bevindinge toon ook dat die koördineerders van die programme nie onwillig oor die transformasie van kurrikula is nie, met dien verstande die proses neem Westerse epistemologieë in aanmerking. Die resultate het ook aangetoon dat transformasie onbeduidend of nie-bestaande was in terme van geslag en ras. Die drie programme bied ook geen onderrig in inheemse Afrika-tale aan nie. Die finale slotsom van die studie was dat JO&O in die geselekteerde programme nog nie die uitdagings van ’n transformerende post-1994 Suid-Afrika aanspreek nie. / University of Venda

Thesis (DPhil) -- Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to reach some conclusions about the possibility of the South African democracy to endure. It does so through entering into the so-called preconditions for democracy field, concretely, by the observation of the changes in and the composition of the South African middle class as a feature of democratic consolidation. Middle classes are regarded as an important political actor in democratisation and it is difficult to fmd a stable democracy without a well-developed and large middle class. Actually, the democratisation movements have mostly been led by middle classes. Moreover, the size of the middle class in a particular society is also indicative of the level of income inequality, which is another important indicator for the success of democratisation. From a theoretical perspective, the study presents the different existing approaches to democratisation in general, and to middle class democracy in particular. Then, it focuses on a case study: South Africa. The variables for the research then are, "middle class" as an independent variable; and "democratic consolidation" as a dependent variable. The hypothesis that links them therefore is as follows: The larger the middle class, the greater the chance for the consolidation of democracy. From an empirical perspective the research tests the above hypothesis by making use of extensive quantitative data. Both variables are then operationalised and their tendencies of growth are measured, presented and explained. Middle class is operationalised in terms of occupation. Consolidated democracy is operationalised in terms of political tolerance and trust in the institutions. Political tolerance refers to the procedural part of democracy, whereas trust relates to the substantive dimension of democracy. The major fin<iings arrived at are that, on one hand the middle class in South Africa is increasing in size and incorporating previously excluded sectors - mainly Blacks - but, on the other hand, democracy seems to be consolidating from a procedural point of view - increase in political tolerance -, but not from a substantive one - decrease in trust in the institutions. Consequently, the original hypothesis is reformulated as follows: An increase in the middle class in the first years of democracy indicates that democracy is consolidating "procedlfrally ". Against the background of these fmdings, room is left for further research that will provide information about whether a democracy can consolidate only procedurally or whether the substantive dimension of democracy is essential for successful consolidation. Further research will also confirm whether or not the recent increase in trust during 1999 signifies a real turning-point or whether it is due to other reasons. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om tot 'n aantal gevolgtrekkings te kom oor die waarskynlikheid dat die Suid-Afrikaanse demokrasie in stand sal bly. Dit is benader deur 'n ondersoek na die voorvereistes vir demokrasie en, konkreet, deur die waarneming van veranderings in die samestelling van die Suid-Afrikaanse middelstand as 'n verskynsel van demokratiese konsolidasie. Die middelstand word as 'n belangrike politieke rolspeler in demokratisering beskou en dit is moeilik om 'n voorbeeld van 'n stabiele demokrasie waar daar nie 'n groot middel~tand is nie, te vind. In werklikheid is demokratiese bewegings meestal deur die middelstand gelei. Verder is die omvang van die middelstand binne 'n besondere gemeenskap ook aanduidend van die vlak van inkomste-ongelykheid, wat 'n verdere belangrike aanduider vir die sukses van demokratisering is. Vanuit 'n teoretiese perspektief hied die studie die verskillende bestaande benaderings tot demokratisering in die algemeen, en tot middelstand-demokrasie in besonder, aan. Dan verskuif die aandag na 'n gevallestudie van Suid-Afrika. Die veranderlikes vir die navorsing is "middelstand" as onafhanklike veranderlike en "demokratiese konsolidering" as afhanklike veranderlike. Die hipotese waardeur hulle in verband gestel word, is as volg: Hoe grater die middelstand, hoe grater die waarskynlikheid vir die konsolidasie van demokrasie. Vanuit 'n empiriese perspektief toets die navorsing die bogenoemde hipotese deur gebruik te maak van uitgebreide kwantitatiewe data. Albei veranderlikes word ge-operasionaliseer en hul groeitendense word gemeet, aangebied en verduidelik. Middelstand word in terme van beroep ge-operasionaliseer. Gekonsolideerde demokrasie word in terme van politieke verdraagsaamheid en vertroue in instellings ge-operasionaliseer. Politieke verdraagsaamheid bon verband met die prosedurele aspek van demokrasie, terwyl vertroue verband bon met die substantiewe dimensie van demokrasie. Die vemaamste bevindings waartoe gekom is, is, aan die een kant, dat die middelstand in Suid-Afrika besig is om uit te brei en voorheen uitgeslote sektore - veral Swartes - te inkorporeer en, aan die ander kant, dat demokrasie besig is om vanuit 'n prosedurele oogpunt - toename in politieke verdraagsaamheid - te konsolideer, maar nie vanuit 'n substantiewe oogpunt - afname van vertroue in die instellings - nie. Gevolglik word die oorspronklike hipotese soos volg herformuleer: 'n Toename in die middelstand gedurende die eerste }are van demokrasie dui aan dat die demokrasie besig is om ''prosedureel" te konsolideer. Teen die agtergrond van die bevindings is daar ruimte vir verdere navorsing wat inligting sal verskaf aangaande die moontlikheid daarvan dat 'n demokrasie net maar prosedureel kan konsolideer, en of die substantiewe dimensie essensieel is vir suksesvolle konsolidasie. Verdere navorsing sou ook kon bepaal of die voorafgaande toename in vertroue gedurende 1999 'n werklike ommekeer aandui, en of dit aan ander redes toegeskryf moet word.