This thesis is a study democratic transition paradigm in Mongolia from its communist past to its present status as a democratic country. The study is informed by the democratic transition paradigm by Guillermo ODonnell and Philippe Schmitter and by the work of Thomas Carothers, a critic of that paradigm. It examines the effectiveness of this theoretical work in guiding the study of an emergent democracy and in that context focuses on the role of elections as well as other internal factors, as well as historical and external factors relevant to democratic transitions. <p>The study finds that both transition paradigm and Carotherss work are useful guides to understanding the Mongolian case but also it finds flaws in each of them.

This thesis is a case study of the transformation between democratic transitions and electoral processes. The central concern of this thesis is democratic transition, and, in particular the impact of internal and external factors on the shape and goals of democratic transition in Mongolia. The purpose here is to examine the impact of these factors on the direction of the democratic transition in Mongolia, and assess the importance of doing so. This study has found that analyzing the influence of internal and external factors on the shape and goals of democratic transition in Mongolia is absolutely crucial in order to understand the transition process and how democracy is developed in this country. While scholars have acknowledged the importance of studying third world country transitions, the majority of the academic literature focuses on its process and types of transition countries go through. Choosing Mongolia as a case, this thesis had discovered fascinating facts that Mongolia can be a powerful example in the Central Asian region of a consolidating democratic system. The findings in this study are significant because this reveal a deficiency in the literature regarding transitions with democratic elections, and call for a more thorough examination of democratic development in order to improve our understanding of how Mongolia is doing in its democratic transition.

This thesis is a study democratic transition paradigm in Mongolia from its communist past to its present status as a democratic country. The study is informed by the democratic transition paradigm by Guillermo ODonnell and Philippe Schmitter and by the work of Thomas Carothers, a critic of that paradigm. It examines the effectiveness of this theoretical work in guiding the study of an emergent democracy and in that context focuses on the role of elections as well as other internal factors, as well as historical and external factors relevant to democratic transitions. <p>The study finds that both transition paradigm and Carotherss work are useful guides to understanding the Mongolian case but also it finds flaws in each of them.

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In this thesis, we approach the issue of democratic transition from the subjective perspective of the authoritarian leader. By identifying successful cases of democratic transition in the last two decades, we enter a detailed analysis on the authoritarian regimes' incentive towards stepping down from leadership and pushing for democratic reform domestically.

Thesis (M.A. (Human Rights))--Mahidol University, 2005. / LICL has E-Thesis 0007 ; please contact computer services.

En 1972, lorsqu’apparaît la revue satirique Hermano Lobo, l’Espagne est régie par une dictature depuis presque quarante ans. A cette époque, la presse est surveillée, et bien que la censure ait été assouplie depuis l’instauration de la loi Fraga en 1966, les journalistes ne peuvent pas s’exprimer librement. La presse satirique a toujours été liée au régime et à la politique des pays dans lesquels elle était publiée. Sa volonté et son objectif de dénoncer les travers politiques et sociaux dépendaient alors des lois en vigueur. De la plus libérale à la plus restrictive, ces lois ont conduit les journalistes à adopter un langage détourné. Hermano Lobo représente cette tradition du non-dit et de l’évocation métaphorique ; elle utilise tout type de recours afin de dénoncer la politique du franquisme tardif et son anachronisme au sein d’une Europe Communautaire dont elle est exclue. Grâce aux codes langagiers, les journalistes montrent que l’immobilisme de la dictature ne correspond plus à une société en pleine mutation. Mais au-delà de la dénonciation politique, Hermano Lobo veut aussi régénérer la presse humoristique espagnole. Entre tradition et modernité, les créateurs de la revue veulent faire un journal où le graphisme aura une place prépondérante, où la simplicité et l’attractivité répondront à un contexte morose dans l’attente d’une rupture politique. La revue évolue pourtant vers une tonalité moins enjouée face à la lenteur du processus démocratique, et disparaît en juin 1976. Pendant quatre ans, elle aura lutté contre une dictature qui bafouait les libertés, et s’éteindra paradoxalement à la veille de la Loi pour la Réforme politique instaurée par Adolfo Suárez. / When the satirical magazine Hermano Lobo was released in 1972, Spain had been ruled by a dictatorship for almost forty years. At the time the press was under close surveillance and although the censorship had been relaxed since the establishment of the Fraga law in 1966, journalists had no freedom of speech. The satirical press had always had strong links with the governments and the policies of the countries where it was published. Its will and its purpose to denounce the political and social failings depended upon the current laws at the time. From the most liberal to the most restrictive, these laws have led the reporters to adopt a roundabout language in order to communicate with their readers. Hermano Lobo represented this tradition of the unsaid and of the metaphorical evocation. Thus, as a satirical magazine published under a totalitarian government. Hermano Lobo resorted to every kind of stylistic, rhetorical or thematic methods to denounce the policy of late Francoism and its anachronism within a European community that excluded it. Thanks to the linguistic codes they set up, the journalists could show then that the immobilism of the dictatorship could not match with a society undergoing massive changes any more. But, beyond political accusation and questioning inspired by the philosophy on Enlightenment, Hermano Lobo also aimed at intent to restoring the humorous Spanish press. Torn between tradition and modernity, the founders of the magazine wanted to make a newspaper in which illustrations would play a prominent part, where simplicity and attractiveness would echoe a sluggish environment that was hoping for a political change.

[pt] As transições ocorridas no sul europeu durante a década de 1970 originaram inúmeras investigações sobre suas origens, causas, desenvolvimento e possíveis efeitos sobre as estruturas e práticas políticas vigentes ao final do processo. Ao mesmo tempo, a transformação dos regimes português, grego e espanhol, revelaram uma importante dimensão internacional que incentivou diversas análises sobre este aspecto freqüentemente ignorado pelos estudos referentes a processos de transição democrática. O presente trabalho objetiva contrapor as teses de Laurence Whitehead e Philippe Schmitter à luz do caso espanhol, procurando demonstrar que a proposta analítica apresentada por Schmitter é a mais adequada para o entendimento da influência internacional no processo de democratização ocorrido na Espanha na década de 1970. / [en] The democratic transitions in the European South during the decade of 1970 has originated innumerable inquiries on its origins, causes, development and possible efects on the structures and pratical effective politics to the end of the process. At the same time, the transformation of Portuguese, Greek and Spanish regimes has disclosed an important international dimension tha stimulated diverse analyses on this aspect frequently ignored by the studies concerning the procecss of democratic transition. This works seeks to contrapose the thesis of Laurence Whitehead and Philippe Schmitter in view of the Spanish case, having in view to demonstrate that the analitical proposal of Schmitter is the most appropriate to understand the international influences in the democratizations process happened in Spain in the 1970 decade.

This thesis seeks to examine why the Lavalas elite faction and its oppositions have failed to make and implement mutual agreements, to resolve regime crises and to create an environment conducive to democratic norms. The study derives explanations stemming from three alternative models: modernization, rational choice and misperception. Three periods of consensus-building attempt between the Lavalas elite and its oppositions (1991-1995: Consensus-Building attempt I; 1996-2000: Consensus-Building attempt II; 2000-2004: Consensus-Building attempt III) are considered. By using interpreted models a la Graham Allison, the thesis applies the criteria produced by each model to help interpret the failure of consensus-building in these three historical periods. The thesis' conclusion then assesses the models' strengths and weaknesses, prompting interesting questions for further research in the near future.