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Thesis (M.A. (Human Rights))--Mahidol University, 2005. / LICL has E-Thesis 0007 ; please contact computer services.

En 1972, lorsqu’apparaît la revue satirique Hermano Lobo, l’Espagne est régie par une dictature depuis presque quarante ans. A cette époque, la presse est surveillée, et bien que la censure ait été assouplie depuis l’instauration de la loi Fraga en 1966, les journalistes ne peuvent pas s’exprimer librement. La presse satirique a toujours été liée au régime et à la politique des pays dans lesquels elle était publiée. Sa volonté et son objectif de dénoncer les travers politiques et sociaux dépendaient alors des lois en vigueur. De la plus libérale à la plus restrictive, ces lois ont conduit les journalistes à adopter un langage détourné. Hermano Lobo représente cette tradition du non-dit et de l’évocation métaphorique ; elle utilise tout type de recours afin de dénoncer la politique du franquisme tardif et son anachronisme au sein d’une Europe Communautaire dont elle est exclue. Grâce aux codes langagiers, les journalistes montrent que l’immobilisme de la dictature ne correspond plus à une société en pleine mutation. Mais au-delà de la dénonciation politique, Hermano Lobo veut aussi régénérer la presse humoristique espagnole. Entre tradition et modernité, les créateurs de la revue veulent faire un journal où le graphisme aura une place prépondérante, où la simplicité et l’attractivité répondront à un contexte morose dans l’attente d’une rupture politique. La revue évolue pourtant vers une tonalité moins enjouée face à la lenteur du processus démocratique, et disparaît en juin 1976. Pendant quatre ans, elle aura lutté contre une dictature qui bafouait les libertés, et s’éteindra paradoxalement à la veille de la Loi pour la Réforme politique instaurée par Adolfo Suárez. / When the satirical magazine Hermano Lobo was released in 1972, Spain had been ruled by a dictatorship for almost forty years. At the time the press was under close surveillance and although the censorship had been relaxed since the establishment of the Fraga law in 1966, journalists had no freedom of speech. The satirical press had always had strong links with the governments and the policies of the countries where it was published. Its will and its purpose to denounce the political and social failings depended upon the current laws at the time. From the most liberal to the most restrictive, these laws have led the reporters to adopt a roundabout language in order to communicate with their readers. Hermano Lobo represented this tradition of the unsaid and of the metaphorical evocation. Thus, as a satirical magazine published under a totalitarian government. Hermano Lobo resorted to every kind of stylistic, rhetorical or thematic methods to denounce the policy of late Francoism and its anachronism within a European community that excluded it. Thanks to the linguistic codes they set up, the journalists could show then that the immobilism of the dictatorship could not match with a society undergoing massive changes any more. But, beyond political accusation and questioning inspired by the philosophy on Enlightenment, Hermano Lobo also aimed at intent to restoring the humorous Spanish press. Torn between tradition and modernity, the founders of the magazine wanted to make a newspaper in which illustrations would play a prominent part, where simplicity and attractiveness would echoe a sluggish environment that was hoping for a political change.

[pt] As transições ocorridas no sul europeu durante a década de 1970 originaram inúmeras investigações sobre suas origens, causas, desenvolvimento e possíveis efeitos sobre as estruturas e práticas políticas vigentes ao final do processo. Ao mesmo tempo, a transformação dos regimes português, grego e espanhol, revelaram uma importante dimensão internacional que incentivou diversas análises sobre este aspecto freqüentemente ignorado pelos estudos referentes a processos de transição democrática. O presente trabalho objetiva contrapor as teses de Laurence Whitehead e Philippe Schmitter à luz do caso espanhol, procurando demonstrar que a proposta analítica apresentada por Schmitter é a mais adequada para o entendimento da influência internacional no processo de democratização ocorrido na Espanha na década de 1970. / [en] The democratic transitions in the European South during the decade of 1970 has originated innumerable inquiries on its origins, causes, development and possible efects on the structures and pratical effective politics to the end of the process. At the same time, the transformation of Portuguese, Greek and Spanish regimes has disclosed an important international dimension tha stimulated diverse analyses on this aspect frequently ignored by the studies concerning the procecss of democratic transition. This works seeks to contrapose the thesis of Laurence Whitehead and Philippe Schmitter in view of the Spanish case, having in view to demonstrate that the analitical proposal of Schmitter is the most appropriate to understand the international influences in the democratizations process happened in Spain in the 1970 decade.

This thesis seeks to examine why the Lavalas elite faction and its oppositions have failed to make and implement mutual agreements, to resolve regime crises and to create an environment conducive to democratic norms. The study derives explanations stemming from three alternative models: modernization, rational choice and misperception. Three periods of consensus-building attempt between the Lavalas elite and its oppositions (1991-1995: Consensus-Building attempt I; 1996-2000: Consensus-Building attempt II; 2000-2004: Consensus-Building attempt III) are considered. By using interpreted models a la Graham Allison, the thesis applies the criteria produced by each model to help interpret the failure of consensus-building in these three historical periods. The thesis' conclusion then assesses the models' strengths and weaknesses, prompting interesting questions for further research in the near future.

The main purpose of this dissertation attempts to clarify the relations between imposed institutional change and social development in terms of Taiwan¡¦s development experiences. There are chiefly three studies in the dissertation. First of all, we reexamine Taiwan¡¦s democratic transition in institutional analysis. With regard to a political entrepreneur model, we shed light on the reasons why the transaction costs of Taiwan¡¦s democratic transition are not expensive and why the process of institutional change is relatively smooth. Secondly, we also explored the development of Taiwan¡¦s IC industry by virtue of imposed institutional analysis. We find it is the desirable government policies and appropriate institutional innovations that Taiwan¡¦s IC industry has made progress at a rapid rate in recent years. Finally, we analyze the interaction between technological choice and economic growth in terms of introducing adjustment costs of technology within a dynamic framework. We make a first attempt at exploring the technological adjustment costs on the rate of steady-state growth and the transitional behavior of the economy in an endogenous growth model.

The thesis examines the social memory of Soviet period in Ukraine on the national and regional levels drawing on the conceptual framework of social memory as shared, normative and formative knowledge of the past, subject to contentious interpretations of various groups and reflecting the power structure of the society. The analysis of the law on the rehabilitation of victims of political repressions in Ukraine, the law on the Holodomor as genocide against Ukrainian nation, and the decommunization laws shows that on the official level Ukraine moved from an ambivalent attitude towards the Soviet legacy, in which Stalinism was repudiated, to the condemnation of Soviet power as a whole. On the regional level, the study reveals the divisive memory of the Soviet past. The analysis of the activities of the Memorial Society, of monuments to the prisoners executed in Lviv by retreating Soviets in June of 1941, of the Museum-Prison on Lontsky street and other museums and monuments shows that in Lviv, as in the Baltic States, the Soviet power is viewed as an alien regime, imposed on freedom-loving Ukrainians by Soviet Russia tyranny. On the opposite side of Lviv is Donetsk. The analysis of the memorial landscape of the city shows that the Donbas memory of the 1930s, as in Soviet times and in Russia, is based on an official forgetting of the repressions. The general assessment of the Soviet past is positive is incorporated into the collective identity of Donetsk as its integral part. After the Euromaidan events of late 2013-early 2014 the opposite memories of the Soviet past became even more apparent. Soviet past in Ukraine is a complex historical period. Examples of post-second world war Western Europe shows that a society, which wants to rebuild itself after a traumatic, divisive past, has to work through this past critically and honestly through an extremely difficult, but necessary open public debate. Only free exchange of opinions, where diversity of perspectives and interpretations of the Soviet experience would be heard, will allow Ukrainian society to grasp the complexity of the Soviet past and to build an inclusive, pluralist democracy.

O objetivo geral da presente tese é identificar os elementos que diferenciam a trajetória dos partidos de direita no Brasil e no Chile. Para tanto, optou-se por estudar os dois maiores partidos: o PFL/DEM no Brasil, e a UDI no Chile. Com base no modelo organizacional de Panebianco e Wolinetz, as hipóteses testadas nesta pesquisa buscaram na gênese partidária, modelo de organização interna, e objetivos partidários (vote-seeking, policy- seeking, e officeseeking), as principais variáveis para explicar o crescimento e declínio eleitoral dos partidos em análise. Desse modo, verificou-se que o nascimento e a permanência do PFL/DEM no governo (office-seeking) inviabilizou o fortalecimento organizacional do partido e a sua capacidade de resiliência na condição de oposição. Em contrapartida, a situação oposta favoreceu o crescimento da UDI, que na condição de oposição, desenvolveu uma institucionalização forte, utilizando-se de estratégias (vote-seeking) para arrefecer o impacto decorrente da não participação no governo, construindo um contínuo processo de interrelação entre a cúpula dirigente e suas bases sociais. Diante de um contexto socioeconômico desigual, típico dos dois países em análise, a UDI aliou o seu processo de fortalecimento organizacional com a harmonização e segmentação de sua oferta política. / The main aim of this PhD dissertation is to identify the elements that differentiate the trajectory of the right parties in Brazil and Chile. Therefore, we chose to study the two major parties: PFL/DEM in Brazil, and the UDI in the Chilean case. Based on the organizational model of Panebianco and Wolinetz, the hypotheses tested in this study investigates in the genesis of the parties, internal organizational model, and parties goals(vote-seeking, policyseeking, and office- seeking), the main variables to explain the electoral growth and decline of the parties in question. Thus, it was verify that the birth and permanence of the PFL/DEM in the government (office-seeking) prevented the organizational strengthening of the party and your resilience capacity in opposition condition. In contrast, the opposite situation favored the growth of the UDI, which, in opposition condition, developed a strong institutionalization, using strategies (vote-seeking) to cool the impact of the non-participation in the government, building a continuous interrelation process between the top leadership and your social bases. Faced with an uneven socio-economic context, typical of the two countries analyzed, the UDI has teamed your organizational strengthening process with the harmonization and segmentation of your political offer.

Le contrôle de constitutionnalité, pour la plupart des juristes en Chine, incarne une problématique primordiale : celle de la définition des limites au pouvoir politique et de l'encadrement de la relation entre les gouvernants et les gouvernés. Néanmoins, la présentation du système actuel de contrôle de constitutionnalité en Chine et le constat des obstacles à son effectivité conduisent à des interrogations : pourquoi faut-il améliorer ce contrôle de constitutionnalité ? Comment faire respecter les valeurs sociales par les normes juridiques? Par quelle voie l'écart entre les normes et la réalité peut-il disparaître ? Dans le contexte de transformation de l'État et de tendance à la mondialisation, l'ordre juridique et la réalité sociale en Chine convergent dans l'affirmation du besoin d'un réel contrôle de constitutionnalité. La thèse montre ainsi dans un premier temps que ce dernier est justifié par les liens étroits qui le lient désormais non seulement à l'Etat de droit, mais aussi à la démocratie. Pour répondre à ce besoin, deux scénarios sont dans un second temps envisagés. Le premier, celui de la spécialisation du contrôle par l'institution d'un organe en ayant la charge exclusive, propose une voie d'évolution interne à l'Assemblée nationale populaire, qui s'accompagnerait d'une procédure plus complète qu'à l'heure actuelle. Le second est au contraire celui de l'autonomisation du contrôle de constitutionnalité par la mise en place d'une juridiction constitutionnelle et l'affirmation d'une jurisprudence constitutionnelle. / The majority of the chinese jurists hold the opinion of enforcing the constitutional review, in order to build a limited governement and to reduce the tension between the citizens and the governors. This thesis investigated why this system of constitutional review should be better evolved and how to improve its efficiency ? In order to answer these questions, this study of the constitutional review in China is trying to elucidate the relationship among the value, norms and reality of the Constitution. This study discussed the rule of law and the democratic transition which are the main constitutional values and exigences but have yet been penetrated into the norms because of some political objections. Therefore, we studied the development of the constitutional review in two scenarios. Firstly, we discussed designing a special organ and improving the procedural justice within the actual system; Secondly, we argued the possibilities of the establishment of a constitutional court in China with the affirmation of constitutionnal jurisprudence, as well as commented on the major ideas and suggestions related to it. The last scenario seems to be ambitious, but we might be able to find some roots in chinese judicial order.