(by Eric Holtschke) The end of the Cold War and thus the collapse of the Eastern Bloc was, in the words of Mary Farrell, "one of the late twentieth century's defining moments"1 : Communist rule in Central and Eastern Europe collapsed, opening up the road to democracy together with freedom of speech, freedom of thought and free elections, as well as free and independent movement of people. The end of the Cold War, which started as a direct result of the Second World War, came about by means of mass demonstrations, the first of which took place in Plauen (GDR) on 7 October 1989. Only a few months later, no-one could be sure how the world would develop. The so-called 'voice' was followed by 'exit' in the German Democratic Republic - and the Czechoslovakians were close to the events taking place in the embassy of the Federal Republic of Germany in Prague. The end of the autocratic system was followed by the process of democratisation, characterised by upheavals and the restructuring of political conditions. Free and independent elections marked the end of democratisation in both the German Democratic Republic and Czechoslovakia. The consolidation period was determined by the dissolution of both of the aforementioned countries, succeeded by 1) the absorption of the entirety of former East German...

Despite promising prospects to transition towards a democracy after attaining its independence in 1980, Zimbabwe somehow fell into authoritarian rule and became increasingly undemocratic compared to other countries in southern Africa. Therefore, this thesis seeks to understand why a “most likely” case of democratization in the region failed and instead slipped into authoritarianism between 1980 and 2000. The single case study investigates a set of elite level dynamics, using components of process tracing and case study techniques. The analysis is built upon a theoretical framework focusing on dimensions of power dynamics in terms of Bratton’s power capture, power division and power sharing along with Svolik’s politics of authoritarian rule and the dominant party system. The research indicates that the political party Zanu-Pf, under the leadership of Mugabe, has dominated the political arena since the first democratic elections of 1980. With the help of the party’s majority, the ruling elites captured, divided, shared and controlled power; to serve authoritarian ends that ensured regime survival at the expense of democracy.

This qualitative case study aims to explain the cause behind India's unique and in some aspect’s deviant democratization process. Due to the abstinence of a clear official date for Indian democratic transition, a time between the year of 1947 during the time of its independence and the year of 1975 has been chosen for the specific study. The theoretical foundation is based on the theory of civil society and the economic theory, also known as the modernization theory, based on the works of Martin Seymour Lipset. India's democratic transition is deeply connected to the struggle for independence which has roots back in the colonial period. The Indian civil society would see significant mobilization during the first decades of the 20th century and would play a major role in both during the independence movement as well as the initiator of the nation's democratization process.The modernization theory would prove to not be as significant as the civil society. Based on the low level of overall economic development a democratic transition depending on the nation's economic development or modernization would seem improbable.

The theme of this research paper is political Islam and democratic transition in the MENA. The study is delimited to the Ennahda Movement and the Muslim Brotherhood as two prominent political Islamist movements, focusing specifically on their experiences during the democratic transition period. It employs a comparative analytical framework, drawing on a qualitative analysis of primary and secondary databases, including survey data, statistics tables, documentaries, media sources, and scholarly works. Through a comparative lens and within three theoretical anchors, the study explores the puzzle of contradictory outcomes, with Tunisia experiencing a relatively successful democratic transition while Egypt faced setbacks and a return to authoritarian rule. By examining their ideologies, governance styles, reform approaches, and responses to in-and-external challenges, the study illustrates the key factors resulting in their divergent trajectories.  The study findings indicate that the Ennahda's adoption of a bottom-up reform approach, inclusive leadership philosophy, and flexible governance style; not to mention the ability to tackle in-and-external challenges effectively, contributed to the success of the democratization process in Tunisia. In contrast, the Brotherhood faced serious challenges due to its top-down reform approach, exclusive leadership philosophy, and rigid governance style; let alone the disability to handle in-and-external challenges adequately, led to the failure of the democratization process in Egypt. The study concludes that leadership philosophy, governance ways, reform approaches, and capacity to navigate in-and-external challenges play pivotal roles in shaping the trajectories of Islamist political movements in the course of democratic transitions.

當代世界面臨最深遠、也最鼓舞人心的影響之一便是民主化浪潮；探究民主化問題亦是政治學中的一個熱門研究領域。根據美國紐約「自由之家」（ Freedom House ）的統計調查（ 2002 ~ 2003年 ），全球「選舉的民主」（ electoral democracy ）國家總共有121個，「自由的民主」（liberal democracy ）國家計有89個。這樣的數字相較於2000 ~ 2001年與2001 ~2002年的統計──「選舉的民主」120、121個、「自由的民主」85、86個，我們發現：雖然「選舉的民主」國家幾乎維持不變，「自由的民主」國家略幅提升，但是「第三波」民主化的潮流似乎已經接近尾聲。由此可知，新興民主國家當前最重要的課題乃是如何鞏固、深化並提升民主的品質。 二十世紀末最後十年乃是台灣蛻變成長的時代，從國會全面改選到總統直接民選，不但奠定民主政治的形式，更發動了民主轉型肇始的列車。二十一世紀來臨的前夕，台灣首次完成政黨輪替的政權和平移轉，不但樹立民主轉型的典範，更締造了民主政權變遷的新頁。為了保證台灣民主化成果能夠順利地運作生存，尚須徹底通過「雙翻轉測驗」（ two- turnover test ）的試鍊，並推展更重要的民主鞏固與深化，以期待開創出更高品質與先進的民主內涵。 故本論文旨在以台灣民主化個案經驗為基礎，透過民主化理論、民主轉型模式、民主鞏固概念的檢視、適用與反思，做一個深度的分析與探討，以期對於台灣民主鞏固相關的研究和未來民主深化的發展能有所助益與啟發。 / One of the most far-reaching and inspiring influences in today's world is the wave of Democratization. Exploring Democratization and solving the problems often resulting from it are also popular issues in academia. According to the statistics of Freedom House: the number of “electoral democracy” nations is 121; “liberal democracy ”nations is 89, compared to the previous data, nevertheless, the number of “electoral democracy ”nations did not change; the number of “liberal democracy” nations is increasing slightly. In short, the “ The Third Wave ” is coming to an end, and the most important challenge ahead is consolidating the achievements of Democratization. The last 10 years of the 20th century have been an age of growth and transformation in Taiwanese politics. Regular Parliamentary elections and the direct election of the President have each been accomplished, thereby laying the basis of Democratic Politics, while also initiating a series of important Democratic Transitions. At the beginning of the 21st century, therefore, Taiwan's accomplishment of the first peaceful ruling power rotation has not only given momentum to the process of Democratic Transition but also heralds a new era in Taiwanese political power. Now, provided that Taiwan can pass the two-turnover test thoroughly, while also developing and deepening its Democratic Consolidation, the results achieved by Taiwan’s Democratic Transition will be ensured. The main purpose of this article is to analyze and explore Taiwan’s Democratization closely based on the case-study of Taiwan’s democratization and utilizing those theories concerning Democratization, models of democratic transition and reviewing, applying and reflecting concepts of democratic consolidation in the hope of making contributions to the further relevant studies of Taiwan's Democratic Consolidation and future Deepening Democracy.

La « Transition vers la démocratie » est une période-clé dans l’Histoire récente de l’Espagne. Cette thèse s’attache à l’aborder à travers l’étude de six romans contemporains [publiés soit pendant la Transition soit après elle], dus à des écrivains aussi différents que Josefina R. Aldecoa, Juan Luis Cebrián, Miguel Delibes, Eduardo Mendoza et Antonio Muñoz Molina. Ces romans se penchent sur une période allant des années 60, époque dite du "Tardo-franquisme", à 1986, année de l’intégration de l’Espagne dans la CEE. Le choix de cette périodisation fait d’ailleurs l’objet d’une réflexion liminaire. Ces auteurs offrent des visions contrastées de ces bouleversements politiques, économiques et sociaux du pays d'une manière globale, mais aussi dans les deux Autonomies les plus « sensibles » en termes socio-politiques et culturels : Pays basque et Catalogne. Par-delà leur perception du contexte historique proprement dit, ils s’interrogent sur la transmission du passé et de la mémoire ainsi que sur le concept de culture et la notion d’identité individuelle et collective.L’ultime réflexion porte sur la combinaison Histoire-Littérature. Ces deux domaines sont-ils antinomiques ou complémentaires ? Enfin, ces romans de la mémoire ne rendent-ils pas compte également d’une sensibilité individuelle et intime ? / "Transition to democracy" is a key period in the recent history of Spain. This thesis endeavours to treat this period through the study of six contemporary novels (either published during or after the transition), by authors who are very different: Josefina R. Aldecoa, Juan Luis Cebrián, Miguel Delibes, Eduardo Mendoza and Antonio Muñoz Molina.These novels look into a period that goes from the 1960s, an era called "Late Francoism", to 1986, the year Spain joined the EEC. Moreover, the choice of this periodisation is the subject of an introductory reflection. These authors offer contrasted visions of these political, economic and social upheavals in a comprehensive manner as well as a look at the two most sensitive autonomy movements in cultural and socio-political terms: the Basque Provinces and Catalonia.Beyond their perception of the historical context itself, they ponder the transmission from the past and memory as well as the concept of culture and the notion of individual and collective identity.The final reflection deals with the History-Literature mix. Are these two domains paradoxical or complementary? Finally, do these memory novels also not give an account of an individual and intimate sensitivity?

Esta tese investiga a história de um dos mais longevos partidos políticos do nosso sistema partidário, o Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB). A partir de uma perspectiva nacional e diacrônica, analisamos sua história interna cobrindo mais de duas décadas de sua trajetória, de 1979 a 2002, com o intuito de compreender como o partido passou do protagonismo ao pano de fundo da política nacional, mas mantendo-se, ainda assim, um ator determinante em nosso arranjo político institucional. Levando em conta o peso que os órgãos de direção têm na definição dos rumos dos partidos políticos brasileiros, assim como a forte presença de parlamentares nesses órgãos no que se refere especificamente ao PMDB (Ribeiro, 2014), fazemos uso do conceito de coalizão dominante de Panebianco (2005) para analisar a face diretiva do partido (Katz e Mair, 1993) e argumentamos que a compreensão da dinâmica interna dos seus principais órgãos de direção contribui para entender as mudanças ocorridas nas estratégias políticas e eleitorais adotadas pelo PMDB, sobretudo no que tange às disputas pelo cargo de Presidente da República. Para realizar esse objetivo, a tese apoia-se tanto em um amplo levantamento documental quanto em entrevistas em profundidade, realizadas com políticos importantes para a história do partido em seus respectivos estados, um esforço pioneiro nos estudos em relação a este objeto. Ainda nesse sentido, este estudo divide-se em duas partes. A primeira delas investiga o recorte histórico de 1979 a 1988, período no qual as transformações internas do partido estiveram mais ligadas às constantes entradas e saídas de quadros. Incluem-se nesse período, entre outros eventos, a refundação da sigla em 1979, a incorporação do Partido Popular em 1982, a entrada de José Sarney no partido em 1985, a legalização dos partidos comunistas em 1985 e a formação do PSDB em 1988. Por sua vez, na segunda parte deste estudo investigamos o recorte histórico de 1989 a 2002. Neste segundo período, as transformações internas na coalizão dominante e consequentemente as estratégias eleitorais adotadas estiveram mais ligadas a disputas internas entre suas diferentes alas. Incluem-se nesse período as breves hegemonias ulyssista e quercista, que levaram Ulysses Guimarães e Orestes Quércia a serem os candidatos presidenciais respectivamente em 1989 e 1994, a indefinição quanto a lançar candidatura própria ou coligar-se com outro partido nas eleições presidenciais de 1998 e, por fim, a chegada de Michel Temer à presidência do partido em 2001, consolidando o bloco chamado de governista enquanto coalizão dominante do partido a partir de então. Sugerimos que o estudo deste partido em específico de maneira aprofundada, dados o tamanho e a complexidade do PMDB, permitem-nos uma compreensão de processos e dinâmicas que vão além dele. Seu estudo proporciona uma visão, a partir de um ponto de vista específico, da história política do Brasil durante e após a transição democrática, e nos permite, também, lançar luz sobre outros aspectos do nosso sistema político-partidário, como, por exemplo, a dinâmica de bipolarização das disputas presidenciais no país entre candidaturas de PT e PSDB, que se consolida durante o recorte histórico aqui estudado. / This thesis investigates the history of one of the longest-lived political parties in our party system, the Party of the Brazilian Democratic Movement (PMDB). From a national and diachronic perspective, we analyze its internal history covering more than two decades, from 1979 to 2002, in order to understand how the party moved from the protagonism to the background of national politics, but remaining yet as a determining actor in our political system. Taking into account the weight that the governing bodies have in defining the directions of the Brazilian political parties, as well as the strong presence of parliamentarians in these bodies with regard to the PMDB (Ribeiro, 2014), we use the concept of ruling coalition of Panebianco (2005) to analyze the party in central office (Katz and Mair, 1993) and argue that the understanding of the internal dynamics of its main governing bodies contributes to understanding the changes in the political and electoral strategies adopted by the PMDB, especially regarding the presidential elections. In order to achieve this goal, the thesis is based on a wide documentary investigation and on in-depth interviews with important politicians to the history of the party in their states, a pioneering effort in the studies related to this object. In this sense, this study is divided into two parts. The first one investigates the time period from 1979 to 1988, a moment in which the internal transformations of the party were more linked to the constant flow of politicians in and out of it. This period includes, among other events, the refoundation of the party in 1979, the incorporation of the Popular Party in 1982, the entry of José Sarney in 1985, the legalization of the communist parties in 1985 and the formation of the PSDB in 1988. On the other hand, in the second part of this study we investigate the time period from 1989 to 2002. In this second period, the internal transformations in the ruling coalition and consequently the electoral strategies adopted were more related to internal disputes between its different wings. Included in this period were the brief Ulyssist and Quercist hegemonies, which led Ulysses Guimarães and Orestes Quércia to be the presidential candidates respectively in 1989 and 1994, the indefiniteness in launching their own candidacy or joining with another party in the 1998 presidential elections and, finally the arrival of Michel Temer to the presidency of the party in 2001, consolidating the wing called \"governists\" as the party\'s ruling coalition thereafter. We suggest that the in depth study of this particular party, given the size and complexity of the PMDB, allow us an understanding of processes and dynamics that go beyond it. His study provides a view, from a specific point of view, of Brazil\'s political history during and after the democratic transition, and also allows us to shed light on other aspects of our political-party system, such as the dynamics of bipolarisation of the presidential elections in the country between PT and PSDB candidacies, which has consolidated during the time period studied here.

La présente thèse analyse la relation entre le régime politique et le système financier. Plus précisément, les investigations empiriques menées dans le cadre de cette thèse visent à étudier le rôle de la démocratie dans le développement et la structure des systèmes financiers. Pour cela, nous procédons en trois étapes. Dans un premier temps, nous examinons l’impact de l’événement de la transition démocratique sur le développement du secteur financier des pays qui sont passés vers un régime démocratique. Ainsi, après avoir défini ce qu’on entend par un système financier développé et mis en évidence les facteurs qui déterminent son évolution, nous montrons que la transition vers un régime démocratique accroît la taille du système financier à moyen et long terme. En revanche, cette dernière n’aura pas d’effet à court terme (chapitre 1). Puis, dans un second temps, nous nous intéressons aux facteurs qui conditionnent l’efficacité de ce régime politique. En effet, étant donné que les échanges d’arguments théoriques témoignent d’un manque de consensus autour de la relation entre la démocratie et le développement, il nous semble que cette question peut s’appréhender autrement à travers la prise en compte du rôle du cadre institutionnel dans l’analyse de cette relation (chapitre 2). Ainsi, nous montrons que la démocratie contribuerait au développement du secteur financier en présence de bonnes institutions, tandis qu’elle briderait son évolution lorsque la qualité des institutions se trouve en deçà d’un certain seuil. Enfin, nous tentons d’élargir la littérature existante en abordant la question du rôle de la démocratie dans l’explication de l’architecture des systèmes financiers (chapitre 3). Après avoir passé en revue les principaux facteurs qui influencent la forme du système financier, nous montrons que le régime politique constitue un facteur déterminant de la structure financière des économies émergentes. Plus précisément, nous trouvons que plus de démocratie réduit la part des financements intermédiés et élargit la place des marchés boursiers. / This thesis analyzes the relationship between the political regime and the financial system. Specifically, the empirical research conducted throughout this thesis aims to study the role of democracy in the development and structure of financial systems. To this end, we proceed in three steps. First, we examine the impact of the event of the democratic transition in the financial development of the countries that have moved towards democracy. Thus, having defined what is meant by a developed financial system and highlighted the factors that determine its evolution, we show that the transition to a democratic regime increases the size of the financial system in the medium and long term. However, it will have no short-term effect (chapter 1). In a second step, we focus on the factors that influence the effectiveness of this political regime. Indeed, since the exchange of theoretical arguments reflect a lack of consensus on the relationship between democracy and development, it seems important to otherwise understand this issue through the consideration of the role of the institutional environment in the analysis of this relationship (chapter 2). Thus, we show that democracy contributes to the development of the financial sector in the presence of good institutions while it hinders its development where institutional quality is below a certain threshold. Finally, we try to extend the existing literature by questioning the role of democracy in the explanation of the financial system architecture (chapter 3). Having reviewed the main factors influencing the shape of the financial system, we show that the political system is a determining factor in the financial structure of emerging economies. More precisely, we find that further democracy reduces the share of intermediated financing and expands the role of stock markets.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Milton Pinheiro de Souza.pdf: 1215040 bytes, checksum: 5a86c1192a84ae37ed14d7196e84d0bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-15 / The main objective of this thesis in to unraveling the pathways that led to the great political and organizational crisis of PCB in the late 1980s. To this end, we sought investigate, with the focus on the period 1971-1991, as the PCB, in the search for space of formal democracy, broke with its historic tradition of struggle and submitted the working class in its wide range of theoretical and political interpretation. Our raised hypothesis is that policy formulations developed by leading core stagnant (CC), which was mostly exiled on account of bourgeoismilitary dictatorship, led the PCB to the exile of political during Brazilian long democratic transition. This party, political operator built for defends the political and social program of the proletariat, succumbed to the legality of the bourgeois order by virtue of their formulations and subaltern political practice developed by his direction during the studied period. Its analytical framework was inherited from of March Declaration (1958) and helped to defeat the party during the political process of transition from the bourgeois-military dictatorship to the formal (bourgeois) democracy / O objetivo central desta tese é contribuir para desvendar os caminhos que levaram à crise política e orgânica do PCB no final dos anos 1980. Para tanto, buscou-se investigar, tendo como balizas temporais o período de 1971 a 1991, como o PCB, na procura da democracia formal, rompeu com a sua tradição histórica de luta e subalternizou a classe operária no seu amplo conjunto de interpretação teórico-político. Nossa hipótese é que as formulações políticas desenvolvidas pelo núcleo dirigente estagnado (CC), que se encontrava majoritariamente exilado em virtude da ditadura burgo-militar, levaram ao exílio da política na conjuntura brasileira na longa transição democrática. Este partido, operador político que se formou para defender o programa políticosocial do proletariado, sucumbiu à legalidade da ordem burguesa em virtude das suas formulações e da prática política subalterna desenvolvida pela sua direção no período estudado. O seu arcabouço analítico foi herdeiro da Declaração de março de 1958 e contribuiu para derrotar o partido durante o processo de transição política da ditadura burgo-militar para a democracia formal (burguesa)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Milton Pinheiro de Souza.pdf: 1215040 bytes, checksum: 5a86c1192a84ae37ed14d7196e84d0bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-15 / The main objective of this thesis in to unraveling the pathways that led to the great political and organizational crisis of PCB in the late 1980s. To this end, we sought investigate, with the focus on the period 1971-1991, as the PCB, in the search for space of formal democracy, broke with its historic tradition of struggle and submitted the working class in its wide range of theoretical and political interpretation. Our raised hypothesis is that policy formulations developed by leading core stagnant (CC), which was mostly exiled on account of bourgeoismilitary dictatorship, led the PCB to the exile of political during Brazilian long democratic transition. This party, political operator built for defends the political and social program of the proletariat, succumbed to the legality of the bourgeois order by virtue of their formulations and subaltern political practice developed by his direction during the studied period. Its analytical framework was inherited from of March Declaration (1958) and helped to defeat the party during the political process of transition from the bourgeois-military dictatorship to the formal (bourgeois) democracy / O objetivo central desta tese é contribuir para desvendar os caminhos que levaram à crise política e orgânica do PCB no final dos anos 1980. Para tanto, buscou-se investigar, tendo como balizas temporais o período de 1971 a 1991, como o PCB, na procura da democracia formal, rompeu com a sua tradição histórica de luta e subalternizou a classe operária no seu amplo conjunto de interpretação teórico-político. Nossa hipótese é que as formulações políticas desenvolvidas pelo núcleo dirigente estagnado (CC), que se encontrava majoritariamente exilado em virtude da ditadura burgo-militar, levaram ao exílio da política na conjuntura brasileira na longa transição democrática. Este partido, operador político que se formou para defender o programa políticosocial do proletariado, sucumbiu à legalidade da ordem burguesa em virtude das suas formulações e da prática política subalterna desenvolvida pela sua direção no período estudado. O seu arcabouço analítico foi herdeiro da Declaração de março de 1958 e contribuiu para derrotar o partido durante o processo de transição política da ditadura burgo-militar para a democracia formal (burguesa)