S’étant imposés comme acteurs incontournables de la transition démocratique des années 1990 et de l’instauration d’un régime démocratique consociatif post-Accord d’Arusha d’août 2000, les partis politiques du Burundi constituent toujours de principaux canaux de mobilisation pour les acteurs politiques. Cependant, les déficits de ces formations politiques dus à leurs origines même, à leur histoire jalonnée de conflits ethnopolitiques, à leur très faible niveau d’institutionnalisation, à l’absence de culture politique démocratique ainsi qu’à leur inscription dans les dynamiques du système politique marqué par les pesanteurs des pratiques clientélistes et néopatrimoniales, de violences ethnopolitiques, d’autoritarisme militaro-civil et monopartiste, les réduisent à de simples instruments pour l’obtention des gains politico-économiques parfois personnels, au lieu d’être des leviers pour le changement démocratique qualitatif. Cette étude montre également que l’existence de plusieurs partis politiques, de textes légaux et la tenue d’élections à intervalles réguliers ne signifie pas nécessairement l’existence de régime démocratique dans la mesure où la démocratie n’est pas un processus technique et linéaire applicable sur base d’une simple prescription ou injonction de nature uniquement institutionnelle. / Having asserted themselves as key players in the democratic transition of the 1990’s and the establishment of the Arusha post-Agreement consociate democratic regime in August 2000, Burundi’s political parties remain the main channels of mobilization for political actors. Nonetheless, the deficits of these political formations regarding their origin, ethnopolitical conflits that stand out their history, their very low level of institutionalization, the lack of democratic political culture and their inclusion in the dynamics of the political system marked by the weigth of practices of patronage and neo-patrimonial practices, ethno-political violence, military civilian and one-party authoritarianism, reduce them to simple instruments for obtaining politico-economic profits, sometimes personal, rather than being levers for qualitative democratic change. This study also chows that the existence of several political parties, legal texts and the holding of elections at regular intervals does not necessarly mean the existence of democratic rule because that democracy is not a technical and linear process applied on the basis of a simple prescription or only institutional order.

本論文主要透過新制度主義研究途徑以探析「轉型正義」行為模式之創制與發 展，並循比較政治研究途徑對俄羅斯及台灣實踐「轉型正義」之特性，進行異同 比較。 檢視20 世紀下半葉，諸多威權政體相繼歷經民主轉型過程，對前朝政權系統 性斲害人權等罪愆之施暴者與蒙難者該如何處置，往往為此等轉型國家之嚴峻挑 戰；「轉型正義」即泛指新興民主國家面對該挑戰時所採取之各項措施。相關對 以往威權罪愆之回應，現今，國際間已啟動轉型正義機制之國家，大多循經刑事 訴責、公共遺却及真相委員會等三途徑以進行。 本論文認為，歷經民主轉型，俄羅斯發生轉型正義之動因乃為深化與維持民主 體系，遏止威權復辟之可能，並擇取「祛記憶」途徑以進行，在實踐作為層面則 因集體遺却與政治冷漠，而遭所侷限；台灣發生轉型正義之動因為深化與維持民 主體系，遏止威權復辟之可能，並擇取一類似於「真相委員會」途徑以進行，在 實踐作為層面則受到國家認同與族群分立等情境所制約。 / The purpose of this study is to analyze the creation and development of "transitional justice" behavior patterns through new institutionalism approach, and to compare the similar and different features that “transitional justice” practiced in Russia and Taiwan through comparative politics approach. Recalling the second half of the 20th century, many authoritarian regimes have been through the process of democratic transition, the regime of former victims of systematic human rights of battle sins of the perpetrators and how to dispose of those battered, often for this and other challenges in transition countries; "transitional justice "that refers to the new democracies of the challenges faced by the various measures taken. The relevant authority of the past sins of the response, now, internationally, the nations that begun the transitional justice mechanism, great majority, through the prosecution channel, the amnesia channel and the truth commissions channel to proceed. This author argues in this study that, after democratic transition, the factor of transitional justice in Russia is to deepen and maintain the democratic system, guarding against the possible of authoritarian of restoration, and to choose the ”disremembering” channel. The practice is restricted by collective amnesia and indifferent of politics; the factor of transitional justice in Taiwan is to deepen and maintain the democratic system, guarding against the possible of authoritarian of restoration, and to choose a channel similar to the "truth commissions ". The practice is restricted by some situations like national identity and ethnic division.

There are several theories involving civil-military relations that have been established since the Cold War. Shaped by the political transitions of Europe and Latin America, how do these theories apply to the Third Wave of democratizations? How does a more contemporary analysis of theory help understand more contemporary insurgencies such as the Arab Spring?

[pt] Paralelo às transições do Cone Sul, a transição política para a democracia em Honduras iniciou no ano 1980 com um conjunto de caraterísticas singulares e atípicas que a distinguem do resto das transições do continente Latino-americano, visto que coincidiu com o período mais crítico de violação sistemática dos direitos humanos, incluindo desaparecimentos forçados, assassinatos e repressão política de mais de uma centena de cidadãos pertencentes aos movimentos sociais de esquerda e de oposição política. Em consequência, sob intensas lutas sociais, o dia 30 de agosto de cada ano é oficialmente reconhecido como o Dia Nacional dos Detidos-Desaparecidos em Honduras, em que centenas de pessoas se reúnem para exigir ao Estado que forneça os espaços pertinentes para reconhecer que em Honduras há desaparecidos políticos, assassinados e torturados. Diante desses acontecimentos, as perguntas que subjazem são: i) como podemos entender a relação entre os estudos e preceitos teóricos mais minimalistas das transições políticas para a democrática e essa lacerante contradição histórica ocorrida em Honduras? ii) é possível construir um futuro democrático sobre as bases de uma história negada e esquecida? Em razão desses questionamentos, decorre a necessidade e o grande desafio de desenvolver a presente pesquisa, referente à evolução da transição política e da memória em Honduras, relacionada ao passado traumático do período 1980-1993, visto que após mais de duas décadas da passagem das ditaduras militares e golpes de Estado para a democracia, percebem-se resquícios delatórios em sua estrutura atual, social e institucional. / [en] Simultaneously with the Southern Cone transitions, the political transition to democracy in Honduras began in 1980 with a unique and atypical characteristics that distinguish it from the rest of the Latin American transitions, since it coincided with the most critical period of systematic violations human rights, including forced disappearances, murders and political repression of more than a hundred citizens belonging to leftist social movements and political opposition. Consequently, under intense social struggles, August 30 is officially recognized as the National Day of the Detained-Disappeared citizens in Honduras, where hundreds of people come together to demand that the State provide appropriate efforts to recognize that political disappeared, murdered and tortured have taken place in Honduras. In this regard, the questions that arise are: i) how can we understand the relationship between studies and the more minimalistic theoretical precepts of political transitions to democracy and this lacerating historical contradiction that occurred in Honduras? ii) is it possible to build a democratic future on the basis of a neglected and forgotten history? Due to these questions, the need and the great challenge of developing the present research, referring to the evolution of the political transition and memory in Honduras, related to the traumatic past of the 1980-1993 period, arises, since after more than two decades of the military dictatorships and coups d état for the democratic transition, there are vestiges in its current social and institutional structure.

L’objet de cette étude est d’offrir une vision à la fois d’ensemble et particulière sur les revues satiriques publiées durant les dernières années du franquisme et pendant Transition démocratique. En effet, de nombreux bouleversements politiques et sociaux s’opèrent entre 1970 et 1982, ce qui représente objectivement une période relativement courte mais très riche en événements dans l’histoire de l’Espagne et de la Catalogne. En ce qui concerne la presse, l’entrée en vigueur de la Ley de Prensa e Imprenta en mars 1966 marque un point d’inflexion car elle supprime la censure préalable et permet le développement de publications beaucoup plus critiques et irrévérencieuses au début des années 1970, tels que Mata Ratos, Barrabás ou Por Favor. Très imprégnées par la tradition satirique catalane (comme Xut!, El Be Negre ou ¡Cu-Cut!), les revues de cette époque sont aussi influencées par la presse française, américaine et anglaise (Hara Kiri, Charlie Hebdo, National Lampoon, Punch, etc.). Peu à peu, elles réussirent à fissurer le carcan de la censure au prix de nombreuses mises sous séquestre, jugements, suspensions et condamnations. Après deux années troublées entre 1976 et 1978 où les menaces d’attentats contre les rédactions sont de plus en plus oppressantes, l’avènement de la démocratie est le point de départ d’un nouveau type d’humour plus général et incarné par El Jueves, et basé sur des faits de société ou d’actualité. De par leur style particulier et les thèmes qu’elles abordent, ces revues satiriques marquent profondément la société et le moment politique dans lequel elles évoluent. Leur impact est toujours perceptible aujourd’hui puisqu’El Jueves continue d’être publiée en 2017. / The purpose of this thesis is to provide both an overview and an analysis of the satirical journals published during the last years of Francoism and the Democratic Transition. Indeed, the country underwent many dramatic political and social changes between 1970 and 1982, which objectively represents a relatively short, extremely eventful period in the history of Spain and Catalonia. As concerns the press, the coming into effect of the Ley de Prensa e Imprenta in March 1966 marked an inflection point by suppressing prior censorship and paving the way for much more critical and irreverent publications, such as Mata Ratos, Barrabás or Por Favor, at the beginning of the 1970’s. Very much in debt to Catalan satirical tradition (e.g. Xut!, El Be Negre or ¡Cu-Cut!), the publications of the time were also influenced by the French, American, and English press (Hara Kiri, Charlie Hebdo, National Lampoon, Punch, etc.). Gradually, they succeeded in breaking the straitjacket of censorship at the cost of numerous confiscations, trials, suspensions and condemnations. Following two troubled years between 1976 and 1978, when editorial offices were subject to increasingly oppressive threats of attack, the advent of democracy was the starting point of a new, more general type of humor embodied by El Jueves and based on societal and current events. Due to their specific style and to the themes they dealt with, these satirical journals made a deep mark on society and on the political period. Their impact has endured, since El Jueves is still published in 2017.

Cette thèse analyse la fonction politique et identitaire du football en Espagne pendant le franquisme et la transition démocratique, en se focalisant particulièrement sur deux clubs : le Real Madrid et le FC Barcelone. L’un est considéré comme le meilleur ambassadeur de l’Espagne à l’étranger. L’autre, un instrument pour la mobilisation de l’opposition démocratique, et surtout un refuge pour les revendications de types identitaires à cette époque. Réaliser une étude sur le football peut sembler a priori ne pas s’inscrire dans une démarche scientifique. Pourtant, au-delà du sport et du divertissement, le football est un fait social, dont l’analyse est essentielle à la compréhension des sociétés contemporaines. Il mérite de ce fait une attention particulière, notamment lorsque l’on s’intéresse à l’histoire de l’Espagne, laquelle est extrêmement révélatrice des enjeux socioculturels et politiques que revêt le football dans ce pays / This thesis analyzes the political and social function of football in Francoist Spain and during the democratic transition, focusing particularly on two clubs: Real Madrid and FC Barcelona. One is considered the best ambassador of Spain abroad. And the other is an instrument for the mobilization of the democratic opposition, and above all a hub for ethno-social identity related claims at that time. A study about football may at first seem to not to belong within the scientific approach. Yet, beyond sport and entertainment, football is a social phenomenon, the analysis of which is essential to the understanding of contemporary societies. It deserves attention, especially when one is interested in the history of Spain, which is extremely revealing of the socio-cultural and political stakes that football has in this country

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2988.pdf: 1119828 bytes, checksum: 130b71a38bd8c27e922a909d676eb926 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-02-22 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / This research has as object the Brazilian managerial reform of 1995. Situating it in the context of transformations through which Brazil was passing since end of seventies, context that was marked by the democratic transition, aims to contribute to a greater understanding of that experience of administrative reform. It is propose here that the ways and proportions that the managerial reform has assumed were strongly influenced (i) by the form as the redemocratization process and the eighties crises ended, that means, by the hegemonic affirmation of a reforms platform by the election of Fernando Henrique Cardoso FHC to the Presidency of Republic and (ii) by the role of Bresser- Pereira, Administration Minister of period, and its team with the aims of to elevate the legitimation degree of its proposals, and, consequently, of to get more supports and resources. The main conclusion is that MARE (Administrative and State Reform Ministry) became one the greater gravitation centers of the debates involving the historical signification and purposes of FHC government, despite it do not be among the mains responsible actors by the concretization of the big reforms conceived for the restructuration of Brazilian public sector. / Este trabalho tem por objeto a reforma gerencial brasileira de 1995. Situando-a no quadro mais amplo de transformações pelas quais o Brasil vinha passando desde fins da década de setenta, quadro este marcado pela transição democrática, pretende-se contribuir para um maior entendimento das origens daquela experiência de reforma administrativa. Defende-se aqui que os rumos e proporções que a reforma gerencial assumiu foram fortemente influenciadas (i) pela forma como se encerrou o processo de redemocratização e a crise dos anos oitenta, isto é, pela afirmação hegemônica de uma plataforma de reformas através da eleição de Fernando Henrique Cardoso - FHC para a Presidência da República e (ii) pela atuação de Bresser-Pereira, Ministro da Administração do período, e sua equipe no sentido de elevar o grau de legitimação de suas propostas e, consequentemente, de angariar maiores apoios e recursos. A conclusão principal é a de que o MARE (Ministério de Administração e Reforma do Estado) se tornou um dos principais centros de gravitação dos debates em torno do significado histórico e propósitos do governo FHC, mesmo não estando entre os responsáveis principais pela realização das grandes reformas destinadas a reestruturar o setor público brasileiro.

No description available.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:11:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gesner Duarte Padua.pdf: 10165763 bytes, checksum: 48a392235121ae3342dc6a0555f84894 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-19 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This research analyses the picture construction of Tancredo Neves on the Veja and Manchete magazines from 1982 to 1985, period of his election to Minas Gerais government, his campaign and victory to Republic President and his death high after. The central hypothesis is that these vehicles constructed, in a spectacularized form, an image of an ex-president as a hero at the final period of transition from the authoritarian military regime to the democratic one. On their economic interests defense, the both magazines completely situated in the cultural industry, took part in the moderate and conservative opposition movement (part of PMDB and Frente Liberal). This movement began to construct a hegemonic discourse about Tancredo Neves as the legitimate representative of the popular will and the one capable to save the country from the crisis through a big conciliation national project. That aimed to promote a transition process smoothly and without splits to the existing order, which benefited the economic and politics country elites. In the Veja and Manchete articles Tancredo got first the characteristics of the hero who was going to conduct the country to salvation and, after his death, of a martyr of democracy. This research contributes, on the history and communication fields, to a better understand of the media influence on the big politics events of the country, especially on the first years after the military regime end and resumption of democracy. The study is performed through the critic analysis of the corpus and bibliographical research, under four main theoretical and methodological contributions: 1. The discourse theory from Ernesto Laclau, mainly on the concept of hegemonic discourses , 2. The semiotic discourse, used in its most fundamental aspects to verify the sense construction around the ex president in the texts verbi-visuals. 3. To the results obtained in the study of the corpus is added other analysis based on the historiographycal, sociological, political and communicational critic, according to authors as Florestan Fernandes, Bernardo Kucinski, Alfred Stepan, Bolivar Lamounier, Thomas Skidmore, Maria H. Alves, Basilio Sallum Jr., Ciro Marcondes Filho and others that deal with the cultural industry subject areas / Esta pesquisa analisa a construção da imagem de Tancredo Neves nas revistas Veja e Manchete, de 1982 a 1985, período que compreende sua eleição para o governo de Minas Gerais, a campanha para a presidência da República e sua morte, pouco tempo depois ser eleito. A hipótese central é que esses veículos construíram, de forma espetacularizada, uma imagem heroificada do ex-presidente no período final de transição do regime militar autoritário para o democrático. Na defesa de seus interesses econômicos, as duas revistas, inseridas plenamente na lógica da indústria cultural, se afinaram com a oposição moderada/conservadora (parte do PMDB e Frente Liberal) na criação de um discurso hegemônico sobre Tancredo Neves como legítimo representante da vontade popular e o único capaz de salvar o Brasil da crise, através da grande conciliação nacional. O objetivo era promover uma transição sem sobressaltos e rupturas da ordem vigente, o que beneficiava as elites econômicas e políticas do país. Nas reportagens de Veja e Manchete Tancredo ganhou feições primeiro de herói que conduziria o Brasil à salvação e, depois de morto, de mártir da democracia. A pesquisa se justifica por contribuir, nos campos da História e da Comunicação, para o melhor entendimento da influência midiática sobre os grandes acontecimentos políticos do país, especialmente nos primeiros anos após o fim do regime militar e retomada da democracia. O estudo é realizado através de análise crítica do corpus e de pesquisa bibliográfica, sob quatro aportes teórico-metodológicos principais: 1. A teoria do discurso de Ernesto Laclau, sobretudo quanto ao conceito de discursos hegemônicos , 2. A semiótica discursiva, utilizada em seus aspectos mais fundamentais para verificar como são construídos os sentidos em torno do ex-presidente nos textos verbi-visuais. 3. Aos resultados obtidos no estudo do corpus acrescenta-se uma outra análise baseada na crítica historiográfica, sociológica, política e comunicacional, segundo autores como Florestan Fernandes, Bernardo Kucinski, Alfred Stepan, Bolivar Lamounier, Thomas Skidmore, Maria H. Alves, Basilio Sallum Jr., Ciro Marcondes Filho e outros que tratam da temática da indústria cultural

La question de la justice dans les sociétés en transition est systématiquement soulevée après un conflit ou une période répressive ou autoritaire. En effet, les violations flagrantes du droit international des droits de l’homme et les violations graves du droit international humanitaire perpétrées sous les précédents régimes ne sauraient laisser aux institutions politiques nouvelles le choix de l’inaction face au passé. Les commissions vérité et réconciliation constituent un des mécanismes de la justice transitionnelle qui place la victime au cœur de ses préoccupations notamment parce que l’incrimination du bourreau n’est pas le seul objectif de la justice et que, comme le remarquait Hannah Arendt, il faut bien constater qu’il y a « des crimes qu’on ne peut ni punir, ni pardonner ». Parfois présentées comme une solution alternative à la justice pénale, ces commissions ont pour objectif d’établir les méfaits des anciens régimes. Le possible choix entre les commissions vérité et la justice répressive interne ou internationale est écarté dans cette étude qui entend accorder une place importante à la complémentarité des commissions vérité et réconciliation avec les autres mécanismes de la justice transitionnelle, notamment les poursuites judiciaires contre les auteurs des crimes de droit international les plus graves et les réparations pour les victimes. De fait, le but de cette étude n’est pas d’analyser de manière isolée ces commissions mais de constater que les normes internationales et la situation propre à chaque pays en transition limitent les options disponibles du traitement du passé. La recherche est fondée sur la méthode d'étude de cas de plusieurs pays dans une démarche comparative afin d’en tirer des conclusions aboutissant à démontrer la légitimité des commissions vérité et réconciliation en période de transition ainsi que leur fonctionnement. / The issue of justice in societies in transition is systematically raised after a conflict, a repressive period or an authoritarian period. Gross violations of international human rights law and grave breaches of international humanitarian law perpetrated under previous regimes cannot let the choice of inaction concerning the past to the new political institutions.Truth and reconciliation commissions constitute one of the mechanisms of transitional justice, which place the victim at the middle of its concerns especially because the criminalization of perpetrators is not the only goal of justice and, as noted by Hannah Arendt, “men are unable to forgive what they cannot punish and are unable to punish what turns out to be unforgivable”. Sometimes presented as an alternative mean to criminal justice, these commissions aim to establish the misdeeds committed by former regimes. The possible choice between truth commissions and international or internal criminal Justice is avoided in this study, which aims to highlight the important role of the complementarity of truth and reconciliation commissions with other transitional justice mechanisms, notably legal prosecutions against the perpetrators of crimes against international law and reparations for victims. In this regard, the aim of this study is not to analyze these commissions in an isolated manner, but to notice that international standards as well as situations in each country restrict the options available for dealing with the past. This research is based on a comparative approach presenting a case study on different countries for demonstrate the legitimacy of truth and reconciliation commissions and their functioning in period of transition.