Esta pesquisa tem como objeto a formação de uma área de pesquisas sobre crime, violência e punição nas ciências sociais contemporâneas no Brasil(1968-2010) e sua relação com a constituição de um campo da segurança públicaconvergência entre campo científico e arenas de política pública -,concebido como parte de um dispositivo de saber-poder(Foucault, 2000;2005), que se pretende alternativo ao monopólio do saber jurídico e policial no sistema de justiça criminal. Considerando a conversão da \"violência urbana\" em problema público, analisamos como no debate sobre o tema se constituem pontes entre preocupações públicas e questões científicas a partir de centros de pesquisa e de sua articulação com redes de ativismo na sociedade civil e no interior do Estado. Estivemos atentos a dois aspectos: 1) de um lado, à constituição de especialidades ou (sub)disciplinas em meio às disputas entre grupos de pesquisa por recursos burocráticos no interior de um campo científico; 2) de outro, à formação de redes de atores voltadas à legitimação política dos princípios causais, normativos e instrumentais a que estão identificados. Em, outras palavras, os cientistas sociais são analisados como atores voltados à conversão de contextos de politização em processos de disciplinarização e de estatização. Buscamos, assim, problematizar as ambiguidades do duplo papel dos pesquisadores deste campo, como construtores de padrões organizacionais de autonomia científica e como reformadores se esforçando por transformar seus saberes em práticas de governo através da profissionalização dos agentes aserviço do Estado e da formalização dos saberes a partir dos quais a administração se legitima. Trata-se, em suma, de analisar a mobilização de cientistas sociais para se legitimarem como agentes reconhecidos na disputa pela imposição de uma visão legítima do fenômeno da violência que sirva de base para o desenvolvimento de novas práticas técnico-políticas de gestão do social por parte do Estado. Observamos que o embate entre correntes políticas nas agendas de reforma dos sistemas de justiça criminal e segurança pública tensio na o campo de pesquisas entre esforços de reconfiguração crítica do modelo de Ciências Criminais integradas ao Direito Penal e um modelo de Criminologia independente, como formação profissional na área de gestão da segurança pública e justiça criminal. / This research analyzes the formation of an area of research on crime, violence and punishment in contemporary social sciences in Brazil (1968-2010) and its relation to the constitution of a field of public security-convergence between scientific fields and arenas of political public designed as part as knowledge-power apparatus (Foucault, 2000; 2005), which is intended alternative to the monopoly of legal and police knowledge in the criminal justice system. Whereas the conversion of \" urban violence\" in public problem, we analyze how the debate on the subject constitute bridges between public concerns and issues from scientific research centers and their coordination with networks of activism in civil society and within the state . We were aware of two aspects:1) on one hand, the establishment of specialties or (sub)disciplines amidst disputes between research groups by bureaucratic resources within a scientific field; 2) otherwise, the formation of networks of actors facing the political legitimacy of causal, instrumental and normative principles that are identified. In other words, social scientists are as actors aimed at converting contexts of politicization in processes of disciplinarisation and étatisation. We seek, therefore, to question the ambiguities of the double role of researchers in this field, as builders of organizational standards of scientific autonomy and as reformers striving to transform their knowledge in governance practices through the professional development of staff in the service of the state and formalization of knowledge from which the administration is legitimized. It is, in short, to analyze the mobilization of social scientists to legitimize themselves as agents recognized in dispute by imposing a legitimate view of the phenomenon of violence as a basis for the development of new technical practices -management policies for social the State. We observed that the clash between current policy agendas for reform of criminal justice and public safety systems tightens the field of research efforts between critical reconfiguration of Criminal Sciences Integrated Model to the Criminal Law and Criminology independent model, as professional training in management of public security and criminal justice.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Guilherme Piacsek.pdf: 629568 bytes, checksum: 2b62f5b8ba58c53de180465d02dac70a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work aims to analyze how the São Paulo newspaper Notícias Populares (NP) dealt with the topic of sexuality between 1982 and 1984. This issue gained special prominence in Brazilian society during this period, which was the end of the military dictatorship that started in 1964. To achieve our goal, we will study the column Tudo Sobre Sexo (All About Sex) published in the newspaper since 1982 and dedicated to providing its readers with scientific information; we will analyze the reports of Histórias da Boca, a series of narratives written by NP crime reporters and set on downtown São Paulo, an area known as "Boca do Lixo", a workplace of prostitutes, transvestites and swindlers; and finally, we will draw attention to the progressive increase in the number of stories that the newspaper devoted to the topic of sexuality, with special emphasis on its coverage of the rise of the AIDS epidemic, a lethal sexually transmitted disease and the appearance of Roberta Close in the media, a transsexual who reached the status of sex symbol in Brazil. In this work, the newspaper Notícias Populares, symbol of Brazilian tabloid press, will be treated not as a counterpoint to what is regarded as serious journalism, but as a vehicle of mass communication able to achieve complex representations and meanings / Este trabalho pretende analisar a maneira como o jornal paulistano Notícias Populares tratou do tema da sexualidade entre os anos de 1982 e 1984. Este assunto ganhou especial destaque na sociedade brasileira durante o período em questão, momento final da ditadura militar iniciada em 1964. Para atingir nosso objetivo, estudaremos a coluna Tudo Sobre Sexo publicada no jornal a partir de 1982 e que se dedicou a fornecer informações de caráter científico aos seus leitores; analisaremos os relatos das Histórias da Boca, uma série de narrativas escritas pelos repórteres policiais do NP e ambientadas na região do centro de São Paulo conhecida como Boca do Lixo , local de atuação de prostitutas, travestis e malandros; e, por fim, daremos atenção ao aumento progressivo do número de matérias que o jornal dedicou ao tema da sexualidade, com especial destaque para sua cobertura do surgimento da epidemia de AIDS, doença letal e sexualmente transmissível e do aparecimento na mídia da transexual Roberta Close, alçada à categoria de símbolo sexual do Brasil. O jornal Notícias Populares, símbolo da imprensa sensacionalista brasileira, será tratado nesse trabalho não como um contraponto a um jornalismo tido como sério , mas como um veículo de comunicação de massa capaz de constituir complexas representações e significados

The central question for this study is the popular perception of the state in four Eastern European countries. The democratic transition in this part of Europe has often been marked by deep mistrust towards politicians and sometimes towards the new political system as such. Among other things, the low election turnout in these countries has sometimes been quoted as a symptom of the aforementioned problems. Does lack of explicit trust towards politicians and the political system mean that the ability of the state to act as a regulator and a welfare producer is affected adversely? Is the capacity of the state to fulfill its roll as an intervening actor directly connected to this expressed trust? This study is concerned with these questions and by posing them it reaches beyond the common studies on democratization, whose main concern is the status of ’democracy’ as such. Data from the three Baltic States and Poland reveals that possible connections between citizens’ expressed trust towards the political branches of the state and their opinion on the legitimate role of the state as a regulator is probably more complex than one could expect. The given role of the state as an intervening actor in two policy areas – environmental protection and alcohol consumption – appears very much unaffected by the popular trust towards the political sphere of the state, or its lack. This constitutes a significant finding which opens new avenues into studying state legitimacy in Eastern Europe and elsewhere. / Den centrala frågan för avhandlingen är synen på staten i fyra östeuropeiska länder. Övergången till demokrati i den delen av Europa har ofta kännetecknats av djup misstro mot politiker och ibland misstro mot det politiska systemet som sådant. Bland annat har lågt valdeltagande tolkats som symptom på de ovan nämnda problemen. Innebär misstron mot det politiska etablissemanget och det politiska systemet att statens handlingsfrihet som reglerande (intervenerande) aktör begränsas? Är statens förmåga att uppfylla sina funktioner som reglerare och tjänsteproducent direkt kopplat till den uttryckliga tilltron till statens politiska, demokratiska maktfördelning? Avhandlingen tar upp dessa frågor och går därmed utöver de vanliga studierna av demokratisering, där medborgarnas tilltro till demokratin brukar främst stå i fokus. Data från de tre baltiska länderna samt Polen tycks visa att ett eventuellt samband mellan medborgarnas uttryckliga tilltro till statens politiska sfär och deras uppfattning om dess rättmätiga roll som reglerare är mycket mer komplicerat än man skulle kunna förvänta sig. Statens legitima roll som den intervenerande aktören inom två policyområden – miljöskydd och som bekämpare av alkoholmissbruk – tycks ohotad i alla de undersökta länderna, oavsett medborgarnas tilltro till den politiska sfären, eller bristen därav. Detta öppnar ett nytt perspektiv på statens folkliga förankring i dessa länder och ger upphov till nya frågor när det gäller studier av statens legitimitet.

團結工聯是波蘭第一個獨立工會，也是數十年一連串反對運動的結晶，並成為撼動波蘭社會，推動波蘭民主轉型主要的變革力量。本研究將波蘭視為東歐民主轉型之代表案例，以民主轉型動態模型為基礎，綜合結構途徑與行為者取向途徑解釋波蘭的民主轉型，分析團結工聯如何藉由公民抗爭影響政府決策，將團結工聯自崛起至執政之間的歷史脈絡，對應波蘭民主化各階段之發展，並以1989年圓桌會議和1989年後多次自由選舉作為其約定轉型和民主奠基選舉時期之重要事件加以論述。 波蘭反對運動之所以興起，主要是受到波蘭歷史、政治、經濟和社會因素之影響，反對力量不斷從錯誤中學習，進而化整為零匯合形成團結工聯。團結工聯成立後受到戒嚴之影響，試圖透過結構重建，對抗波共之壓迫，以集體抵抗政權之模式存活下來。圓桌會議是波蘭民主化的轉捩點，波共政權與團結工聯雙方終達成共識，共同尋求和平之解決方案，透過協商而非對抗達成約定轉型。透過圓桌會議協議之一系列民主選舉，團結工聯以壓倒性勝利擊敗波共和其傀儡政黨，組成東歐第一個非共政府，之後更贏得總統選舉順利執政，迫使非民主政權垮台，促成波蘭之約定轉型。綜上所述，團結工聯透過各種行動形塑波蘭政治，與波蘭民主化發展各階段息息相關，在波蘭民主化過程中確實具有舉足輕重之地位 / Solidarity, the result nurtured by series of opposition movements in decades, is the first independent trade union in Poland. It not only shook Polish society, but also promoted democratic transition in Poland. This study regards Poland as an iconic case of democratic transition in Eastern Europe. The main approach is based on dynamic model of democratic transition, combing structure approach and actor-oriented approach to explain Polish democratic transition pathways and analyze how citizen protests influenced government decisions. To support the theory, I will follow the historical context of Solidarity through its rise to power, corresponding to each stage of democratization development in Poland, and further discuss the significant events, as roundtable talk and free elections. The rise of the opposition movements in Poland is greatly influenced by historical, political, economic and social factors. The oppositional trends, who learnt from past mistakes, later converged to form Solidarity. Shortly after establishment, Solidarity attempted to survive under the imposition of martial law by reconstructing into the form of exercising collective resistance against the authority. In Poland’s democratization, Roundtable talk is a turning point, where Communist Government and Solidarity reached a consensus, agreeing on achieving pacted transition through negotiation rather than confrontation. Solidarity beat communist government and pro-communist parties with overwhelming votes of a series of democratic elections. Solidarity formed the first non-communist government in Eastern Europe, won the presidential election and induced the collapse of the non-democratic regime. To sum up, Solidarity indeed shapes Polish politics through various actions and has a pivotal position in the process of democratization in Poland.

Le sujet central de la thèse concerne la Roumanie postcommuniste, dont la transition est analysée àla lumière des théories de la transition démocratique. Prise dans la vague des transitionsdémocratiques qu’ont connues les pays de l’Europe Centrale et Orientale après 1989, la Roumanieest le seul pays qui a vécu un changement violent de régime ; elle est aussi celui qui a connu latransition démocratique la plus longue et la plus sinueuse de la région. La thèse présente unetypologie générale des théories de la transition démocratique, élaborées avant et après 1989. Lespremières tentent de dégager les facteurs de transition, avec des approches centrées, soit sur lesstructures, soit sur les acteurs. Les secondes insistent sur les facteurs d'incertitude propres à toutetransition et aussi sur les choix rationnels des acteurs. La confrontation du cas roumain auxthéories de la transition constitue un test de validité des différentes approches et souligne, en toutehypothèse, les spécificités de l'itinéraire suivi par la Roumanie pour sortir du régime communiste.La thèse, qui éclaire à la fois la genèse et le cheminement complexe de la transition roumaine,souligne les limites des théories de la transition démocratique, celles d'avant 1989 comme cellesd'après 1989, dans l'explication du processus transitionnel roumain, démontrant par là lacomplexité du cas roumain. / The central issue of this thesis concern post communist Romania and deals with the Romaniandemocratic transition regard to democratic transition theories. Part of the democratic transitionwave that experimented counties of Central and Eastern Europe, Romania is the only country toexperiment a violent regime change and a democratic transition known to be the longest and themost twisting. The thesis presents a general typology of democratic transition theories existingbefore and after 1989. The first theories attempt to identify the transition’s factors with centredapproaches either on structures or on actors. The latter emphasises the uncertainty inherent to anytransition, as well as on the actor’s rational choice. The confrontation of the Romanian case to thetransition theories is a test of the validity of different approaches and underlines the specific of theroute that Romania followed to escape communism. The thesis, which stresses both the genesisand the complex process of Romania’s transition, highlights the limitations of democratictransition theories, those before 1989 as well as those after 1989 in explaining the Romaniantransition process, thus demonstrating the complexity of the Romanian case.

Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-03-03T11:37:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 gisleneedwigesdelacerda.pdf: 8507843 bytes, checksum: 6c0c017b83692ffaa5cb23d1a2dcf224 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-03-06T20:03:28Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 gisleneedwigesdelacerda.pdf: 8507843 bytes, checksum: 6c0c017b83692ffaa5cb23d1a2dcf224 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-06T20:03:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 gisleneedwigesdelacerda.pdf: 8507843 bytes, checksum: 6c0c017b83692ffaa5cb23d1a2dcf224 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-03-25 / O Movimento Estudantil desempenhou um importante papel no cenário brasileiro nas décadas de 1970 e 1980, pois lutou contras as arbitrariedades do governo militar e pelas liberdades democráticas, compondo importantes ações políticas e impulsionando a sociedade civil a retornar às ruas. Para demonstrar sua relevância e realizar uma analise de sua atuação, esta dissertação visa analisar a trajetória do referido movimento no município de Juiz de Fora – MG, no período de 1974 a 1984, em especial, através da memória dos militantes estudantis. Pretende-se, assim, contribuir para a compreensão acerca do papel do Movimento Estudantil (ME) no processo de transição democrática brasileira. Com este intuito, buscou-se perceber a influência do ME nos âmbitos social e político, destacando a dinâmica das tendências internas de diferentes bases ideológicas de Esquerda, muitas vezes motivadoras de conflitos no cerne do próprio movimento, buscando compreender em que medida essas tendências foram protagonistas de uma luta em prol do mesmo objetivo: a democracia. Desta forma, apresentamos a memória dos militantes estudantis, elemento central deste trabalho, sobre o período vivido em tempos de abertura política e luta democrática, a partir da qual pudemos delimitar a trajetória do ME juizforano e analisar a atuação dos sujeitos desta história. / The Student Movement played an important role in Brazilian scenery in the 1970’s and 1980’s, since it fought against the arbitrariness of military government and for the democratic freedoms, composing important political actions and propelling the society to return to the streets. To demonstrate the relevance and perform an analysis of its performing, this dissertation aims to analyze the trajectory of the reported movement in Juiz de Fora – MG, from 1974 to 1984, especially by means of memories of the militant students. Thus, this research intended to contribute to the comprehension about the role of the Student Movement (SM) in the process of Brazilian democratic transition. To this end, it sought to realize the influence of SM in social and political ambits, highlighting the dynamics of internal trends of different ideological basis of The Left, which often led to conflicts within the movement, trying to understand how much these trends were protagonists of a fight for the same goal: democracy. Thereby, we present the memories of militant students, a fundamental part of this research, about the period lived in times of political openness and democratic struggle, from which we could define the Juiz de Fora SM trajectory and analyze the performance of the subjects in this history.

As the 29-year Duvalier dictatorship ended in 1986, the emergence of Mouvement Lavalas out of the grassroots organizations of Haiti's poor majority, and election of charismatic priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 1990, challenged efforts by Haitian political parties and the U.S. foreign policy establishment to contain the parameters of Haiti's democratic transition. This dissertation examines the politics of Lavalas to determine whether it held a particular conception of democracy that explains the movement's antagonistic relationship with the political parties and U.S. democracy promoters. Using the qualitative methodology of process-tracing outlined in the works of Paul F. Steinberg (2004) and Tulia G. Falleti (2006), this study analyzes primary and secondary sources associated with Aristide and the grassroots organizations across the period of contested democratization from 1986 to 1991, with emphasis on four critical junctures: 1) the rule of the Conseil National du Gouvernement; 2) the government of Leslie Manigat; 3) the military regimes of Henri Namphy and Prosper Avril; and 4) Aristide's 8 months in power before being overthrown on September 29, 1991. This study concludes that there were systematic differences in how Lavalas pursued democracy in Haiti, as contrasted to the political parties and U.S. foreign policy-makers. Evidence indicates that while Lavalas placed emphasis on popular mobilization to challenge Haiti's legacy of authoritarianism, the political parties and U.S. democracy promoters emphasized processes of negotiation and compromise with Haiti's anti-democratic forces. Lavalas was rooted in the long historic struggle of the country's poor masses to, not simply establish procedural democracy, what noted political scientist Robert Dahl calls polyarchy, but to expand the parameters of politics to guarantee the right of all Haitians to participate directly in the process of governing, in order to share more equitably in the distribution of national resources, in what critical scholar William I. Robinson calls "popular democracy."

[pt] O principal objetivo desta dissertação é o de analisar de que forma a transição portuguesa para a democracia, iniciada pela Revolução de 25 de abril, foi determinante para a mudança drástica no conteúdo da política externa do país. Mais especificamente, analisamos de que forma a mudança na relação entre o Estado e a sociedade portuguesa, provocada pela ruptura revolucionária com o regime autoritário, favoreceu a adoção da opção européia da política externa portuguesa. Para além de uma opção econômica, a adesão de Portugal à Comunidade Econômica Européia implicou na adoção de uma nova identidade e um novo posicionamento do país no cenário internacional. Assim, depois de um debate teórico em que demonstramos a interação necessária entre as esferas doméstica e internacional, procuramos demonstrar a relação entre mudança de regime político e mudança de política externa. Em primeiro lugar, caracterizamos a redemocratização portuguesa como uma transição política por ruptura e analisamos os impactos deste modo de transição sobre a mudança de regime e sobre o conteúdo de política externa de um país. Depois, utilizando um modelo teórico, procuramos identificar a relação entre Estado e sociedade como uma das propriedades do regime político capazes de exercer influência sobre o conteúdo de política externa. Uma vez estabelecida a relação entre esta propriedade do regime e o conteúdo da política externa, analisamos a mudança ocorrida nesta relação após a Revolução dos Cravos. / [en] The main goal of this dissertation is the analysis of the impact of the portuguese democratic transition on the nature of the country s foreing policy. More specifically, our purpose is to analyse how the change caused by the political transition in the state-society relations determined Portugal s accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1986. More than an economic necessity, EEC membership meant a new identity for Portugal, from an overseas empire to an modern, european country. In the first chapter, after a theoretical debate, where we highlight the interaction between the domestic and the international arenas, we narrow our focus and try to explain the relational ties between political change and foreign policy. In that sense, it is important to identify the impact of the mode of transition on the nature of the new regime and, as a consequence, on its foreign policy. There, we classify the portuguese transition as a reform throug rupture. Then, using a theoretical model, we try to understand the relevance of the state-society relation as a variable for explaining foreign policy change. In the second and third chapters, we analyse the relational ties between this variable and the portuguese foreign policy under the Estado Novo and after the Carnation s Revolution.

Le défi de cette thèse a été de présenter la pensée et les actions marquantes de l’histoire du mouvement islamiste tunisien, Ennahdha, depuis sa création à la fin des années 1960, jusqu’en 2018. La première partie de la thèse se concentre sur son engagement politique. Cette approche nous a amenée à distinguer plusieurs phases qui rythment le développement du parti: après être passé par l’action clandestine à l’époque du jama‘a islamiyya et du MTI avec de brefs instants de semi-légalité (dans les années 1980) et une vingtaine d’années de répression, le leadership du parti fait preuve, surtout depuis 2013, de pragmatisme en politique. En effet, l’expérience d’Ennahdha indique que depuis la révolution les victoires électorales sont devenues son intérêt majeur. La deuxième partie de la thèse met en évidence que cette stratégie impose au parti une évolution constante, afin de répondre aux demandes des acteurs politiques, tout en gardant sa base militante fidèle et en aspirant à attirer des nouveaux adhérents en dehors du noyau islamiste. Dès lors, notre recherche étudie les reconfigurations récentes du mouvement et attire l’attention sur les limites de ces mutations. Nous insistons surtout sur la reconstruction du discours d’Ennahdha qui a renouvelé ses références politico-idéologiques lors de son dixième congrès, en mai 2016. De plus, nous avons eu recours à diverses théories sur les élites et les transitions politiques, afin d’analyser la pratique politique d’Ennahdha après la révolution. En outre, dans une perspective comparative, nous avons examiné son histoire et ses reconfigurations idéologiques en contraste avec l’expérience des partis communistes et chrétiens-démocrates occidentaux et du Parti de la justice et du développement au Maroc. Ce cadre théorique nous a permis d’évaluer les stratégies politiques et les mutations idéologiques d’Ennahdha et d’étudier le fonctionnement du parti, sa structure et la sélection de ses dirigeants, afin de déterminer son degré de démocratisation, ainsi que ses perspectives sur la scène politique tunisienne. / The challenge of this thesis was to present the ideology and the turning points in the history of the Tunisian Islamist movement, Ennahdha, starting from its creation in the late 1960s until 2018. The first part of the thesis focuses on its political commitment. This approach enabled us to distinguish several phases that marked the development of the party: after the clandestine activity at the time of the jama‘a islamiyya and the MTI, some brief moments of semi-legality (in the 1980s) and about twenty years of repression, the leadership of the party has been giving evidence of political pragmatism mostly after 2013. In fact, Ennahdha’s experience indicates that since the revolution the electoral victories have become its major interest. The second part of the thesis highlights that this strategy imposes on the party a constant evolution in the attempt to respond to the political actors’ demands, while keeping its militant base faithful and aiming, at the same time, to attract new members outside the Islamist core. Thus, our research studies the recent reconfigurations of the movement and draws the attention to the limits of these mutations. We emphasize especially on the “restyling” of Ennahdha′s discourse which renew its political and ideological references on the occasion of its tenth congress (in May 2016). Moreover, we resorted to various theories of elites and political transitions, in order to analyse Ennahdha′s political practice after the revolution. Additionally, in a comparative perspective, we examined its history and ideological reconfigurations in contrast with the experience of the occidental communist and Christian democratic parties and the Party of Justice and Development in Morocco. This theoretical framework enabled us to evaluate Ennahdha′s political strategies and its ideological mutations and study how the party operates, how it is structured and how its leaders are selected, in order to determine its degree of democratization, as well as its perspectives on the Tunisian political scene.

The problematic of Romanian transition to democracy after the year 1989 was by its major part determined by the form of previous regime. Because of the extreme pressure and control exercised on the opposition and personal dictatorship of the regime of Nicolae Ceaușescu, no major dissent groups or centers existed, bearing the potential to take part in the overthrow of the regime. In the swift and still unclear events of December 1989, National Salvation Front rose to hold the power, being directed by Ion Iliescu. As a formerly top positioned communist apparatchik, who had been swept out from status and power after several conflicts with Ceausescu, he transferred almost complete communist structure to the newly formed regime, including Securitate, the secret service. Deconstruction of the former regime was actually performed by the execution of the former president and his wife and by trials of several Securitate generals. Iliescu concentrated most of the power around NSF and in contradiction with the original proclamation postponed transition to democracy. The new regime, which was led by Ion Iliescu demonstrated in its ideological presentation and exercise of power apparent similarities with the era of communist rule, nevertheless, it worked under formal democratic framework. Because of this fact,...