Metatheories of the State is a contribution to reinterpreting contemporary state theory through an account of three leading approaches in recent political theory. Metatheorising, as a form of critical analysis and exegesis, is portrayed as a sensitive exploratory technique which serves as a means of situating social and political theories in terms of their historical and social context as well as in terms of their epistemological and ontological assumptions. This thesis focuses upon three distinctive approaches in the field of state theory through an examination and theoretical reconstruction of key positions in Neo-Pluralism, Neo-Liberalism and Neo-Marxism. Each of the approaches considered is situated and assessed in terms of their epistemological and ontological frame of reference (their position in relationship to approaches within the philosophy of social science), as well as in terms of their contribution to the theorisation of the relationship between the state and society. This thesis addresses the tendency of state theorists to treat the state as the 'horizon' for the constitution of the social order rather than as an object in its own right with its own imperatives, structure and rationale. In each case, the substantive focus of analysis (polyarchic civility for Dahl, catallactic relations for Hayek and processes of societalisation for Jessop) is identified in relation to the state as a boundary or as a set of parameters which limit the operation of, and provide the conditions of possibility of social relations. Finally, this investigation highlights their distinctive models of causality within different accounts of knowledge construction in order to demonstrate the way in which realism is understood in relation to empiricism and idealism in social scientific practice.

<p>The goal of this paper is to analyze the influence of the EU on Turkish democracy. In order to achieve this aim, the paper concentrates on three areas, as representative institutions, opposition parties and freedom of expression. The impact of the EU on Turkey has been more explicit during the last decades. In particular since 1999 when the country became a candidate for membership, and that will eventually lead to Turkey joining the European Union. Thereby this paper will examine the demands EU set up for the country and how Turkey accomplishes these criteria. The first part of the analysis focuses on the conditions EU set up for Turkish membership, while the second part explains Turkey’s progress in meeting those demands.  The theories are Europeanization and the institution of freedom of expression which is part of Polyarchy. These will be used to answer the question: Which demands EU set up for Turkey and to what extent the country applies to those demands? The paper is based on qualitative method as a case study. Turkey has in some areas made progress regard to freedom of expression and representative institutions, however the country must continue with political reforms in those areas.</p>

<p>Abstract:</p><p>The purpose of this study is to examine what actually makes Russia an incomplete democracy, despite of all the formal democratic institutions and legal democratic rights.</p><p>The research method used for this essay has been qualitative case study, which strives to answer two research questions: Which democratic principles are not respected in Russia? How does the executive power control the political arena? The theoretical framework used for this study consists of a model based on Dahls Polyarchy theory and the Rule of Law concept. The conclusions points out that very little have formally changed in Russia regarding democratic rights and the constitution. The democratic decline is due to political manoeuvres and undue political influence. There is no proper division of power and the executive powers are not controlled by a system of checks and balances. All democratic principles studied within the analytical framework are manipulated and formal rights are no longer respected by authorities and the executive power.</p>

<p>The aim of this essay is to investigate the situation for democracy in China. The study raises two main questions. They are as follows: Are there obstacles to a democratization process in China? and Are there openings when it comes to a gradual change for democratization in China?</p><p> </p><p>The theoretical framework consists of Robert A.Dahl´s Polyarchy theory, and in addition , five factors promoting democracy. Also the notion of an MDP-society (a modern, dynamic and pluralistic society) is looked upon. A qualitative case literature study has been the research method used.</p><p> </p><p>The results of the study show that the obstacles consist mostly of the strong rule by the communist party, the CPC. This might even increase with time. And if it should fall, there might be other powerful groups prepared to rule the country. But there are also openings to a more democratic China.  A growing level of education, a growing economy, the existence of village elections, a developing judicial system and a change among values among the Chinese people indicates this direction. Also the emergence of the use of Internet and cellphones add a democracy promoting aspect to the case.</p>

This is a study on Spain´s path from dictatorship towards democracy in the period of 1975 to 1982. The examination is based on Robert Dahl´s theory of democratization, fundamentally describing three alternate paths, moving a society from one of the states closed hegemony, inclusive hegemony or competitive oligarchy into the state polyarchy. According to Dahl, polyarchy is the closest ideal of a democracy. Dahl´s transformation paths are based on two dimensions: political competition and political inclusiveness. Prior to 1975, Spain was a closed hegemony and transformation could have gone directly to polyarchy or by way of either inclusive hegemony or competitive oligarchy. The results obtained in this study demonstrates that political competition and political inclusiveness developed in parallel in Spain, which was the prerequisite for the rapid transition. Most crucial was that the elections and the referendums occurred within a very short period of time. According to Dahl, elections can be categorized as political competition as well as political inclusiveness. Therefore, it can be concluded that Spain followed the path moving directly from closed hegemony into polyarchy without moving via inclusive hegemony or competitive oligarchy.

This thesis explores a relatively new and arguably innovative United States (US) international development initiative called the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA), which was launched by President Bush in 2004 as his flagship development programme for combating global poverty. Inciting transformational change, both in the delivery of aid and within the recipient countries themselves, lies at the heart of the MCA, which is housed in a new development entity named the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC). In-depth semistructured interviews were utilised to facilitate the accumulation of rich and varied data, through which the rhetoric and discourses surrounding the MCA could be' challenged, contested and debated at a variety oflevels. This study critically engages with the MCA to reveal its core motivations and ideological underpinnings, through which we can better understand its origins and potential to deliver sustainable development in the South. In order to do this, specific attention is given to Nicaragua's involvement in the initiative; a country which has played host to a plethora of US foreign policy activities, actions and interventions over the years. An exhaustive exploration of Nicaragua's experience of the MCA is subsequently utilised as a platform for engaging with the core debates and issues surrounding the MCA and development discourse more broadly. In particular, the study's findings critically question the neoliberal model of development being promoted through the MCA and challenge the programme's ability to address the complexities of impoverishment. Part and parcel of this process involves examining the seemingly inseparable marriage between 'democracy' and market liberalisation in development, through which it is argued in this thesis that transnationalliberalism has been extended as the hegemonic ideology of this epoch and a polyarchic system of rule promoted across much of the South.

In 2009, Honduras was affected by a military coup, where the former president Manuel Zelaya was deposed. The coup was supported by the National Congress and the Supreme Court, with the arguments that the action was a necessary act for defending and maintaining the democracy in the country. It is therefore interesting to see what type of regime that has emerged afterwards. The study is analysed by Robert Dahl´s theory about polyarchy and Joakim Ekman´s theory about hybrid regimes since Honduras shows tendencies towards both types of regimes in the present state. The study has three different perspectives regarding the empirical data to obtain a comprehensive picture as possible of what kind of regime that Honduras is considered to be today. The material consists of the national constitution to get a glimpse of the formal aspects of the political shape in the country as well as reports provided by international organizations to get the view from the outside world but the primary material is from interviews with people determined important by the positions in the Honduran civil society. The results display that Honduras has significant democratic elements; free elections and a constitution that recognizes the basic liberties, which according to Dahl meets up with the criteria of a democratic polyarchy. However, the lack of accountability for government institutions, corruption and violations against freedom of speech - where the most affected groups are journalists, human right defenders and indigenous people, indicates that Honduras have more similarities to that what Joakim Ekman refers to as a hybrid regime.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / Este trabalho analisa o conceito de poliarquia na obra de Robert Dahl. O autor faz uma distinÃÃo entre âdemocracia idealâ e âdemocracia realâ. Para ele, a palavra âdemocraciaâ evoca o cenÃrio grego original de participaÃÃo direta, nÃo sendo mais adequada para classificar os regimes representativos contemporÃneos. Tais regimes sÃo pobres aproximaÃÃes dos ideais democrÃticos, e que por isso devem ser classificados como âpoliarquiasâ. Por meio de uma pesquisa bibliogrÃfica, o trabalho objetiva evidenciar e analisar, mais especificamente, a investigaÃÃo que o autor realizou no seu clÃssico livro âPoliarquia: ParticipaÃÃo e OposiÃÃoâ, no qual ele abordou o tema da transiÃÃo de regimes, procurando compreender quais as condiÃÃes que favorecem ou impedem a transiÃÃo de um regime nÃo poliÃrquico para um regime poliÃrquico. / This paper analyzes the concept of polyarchy in the work of Robert Dahl. The author makes a distinction between "ideal democracy" and "real democracy". For him, the word "democracy" evokes the original Greek scenario of direct participation, no longer appropriate to classify regimes representative contemporaries. Such schemes are poor approximations of democratic ideals, and therefore should be classified as "polyarchies". Through a literature search, this work aims at identifying and analyzing more specifically, the research that the author conducted in his classic book "Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition," in which he addressed the issue of regime transition, trying to understand what conditions that favor or hinder the transition from a regime not polyarchical to a polyachical regime.

The purpose of this paper was to address the issue of democratic restrictions in Macedonia today, 2017, due to all the media attention of the Macedonian political life. It was also an interesting country to study because of its disputes with its neighbouring country Greece, which blocks Macedonia from entering both the European Union and the Northern Atlantic Treaty Organization, NATO. The study was carried out on the grounds of Roberts Dahl’s seven institutions regarding Polyarchy which are elected officials, free and fair elections, inclusive suffrage, right to run for office, freedom of expression, alternative information and freedom of assembly. The method which was applied to this study was an ideal-type of democracy. The seven institutions of Polyarchy is the nearest a democratic governance one can come, and therefore Polyarchy became the main ideal-type. The seven institutions were later compared with both the Macedonian constitution and how these institutions are applied to daily life in the country. The results showed that the institutions inclusive suffrage and right to run for office were the only ones which met up to Dahl’s definition of those two institutions. Further, the institutions elected officials and freedom of assembly are partly restricted by the state. The institutions freedom of expression and freedom of assembly are the ones which are most restricted in Macedonia. The institution free and fair elections is also since 2016 an institution with restrictions because of the political crisis in recent years. Due to these results, one can conclude that Macedonia does not meet up to the requirements of all seven institutions and one can therefore infer that there are several democratic restrictions in Macedonia in 2017.

The purpose of the study is to investigate if the presence of subcultural pluralism has affected Rwanda’s democratisation negatively. The study’s question is therefore: Are subcultural pluralism an explanation of Rwanda’s low degree of democracy? To answer this, I have chosen to do an explanatory case study and the study is theory consuming. The study’s theoretical framework consists of Robert A Dahls part theory about subcultural pluralism from his work Polyarchy. Other materials used in the study is secondary material which is used to describe Rwanda’s political history. Another important source is Freedom House “Freedom in the world”- reports about Rwanda from the period 1995-2019. The analysis shows that Rwanda do not meet Robert A Dahls three criteria’s about subcultural pluralism. If a country meets his criteria’s they have a good chance of democratization even though they have a high degree of subcultural pluralism. If the country does not meet his criteria’s they have a low chance to democratize. The study shows that Rwanda's leading party RPF has adopted several measures that have complicated the oppositions situation to operate in the country and Rwanda's subcultural groups hutu and twa are excluded from political processes. The result shows that Rwanda has low chances of democratisation. It also shows that subcultural pluralism is one explanation to the country’s low degree of democracy.