What we see in Russia today is a dual media system, with independent and critical newspapers on one side vs. controlled and censored television channels on the other. The independent media are facing severe difficulties, and the accountability of the elected are nearly non-existing. The weaknesses of the judicial system allowing arbitrary exercising of the legislation against journalists, the increased control of media outlets both regional and federal, among television channels, newspapers and online media, lack of access to information, all are preventing the development of the media as the fourth estate providing a check on those in power. Journalistic practises, the heritage from the Soviet era and not at least the ownership structures are contributing to the development of a media system in favour of authoritarianism. Globalization has only a minor effect on freedom of speech due to increased control of the internet, and the capacities the authorities have shown to use globalization to their own advantage. The Russian media today are far more contributing to uphold an authoritarian regime than contributing to increased democracy.

<p>This is a qualitative research study utilising a theoretical framework of democracy theory, human rights and theories on migration and irregular migrants. The purpose of this research is to explore how the new Swedish Regulation on Labour Immigration, in relation to the harmonization of migration policy within the European Union, represents and effects the perception of asylum seekers and irregular migrants on a socio-political level in Sweden. Through four semi-structured interviews this study seeks to explore the following areas: the reasons behind the compromise concerning asylum seekers in the Regulation; the exclusion of irregular migrants in the Regulation; and the correlation between the Regulation and the harmonising of migration policy within the EU. The theoretical framework, together with the statements by informants and the grounding information concerning human rights and the migration policy within the EU, constitutes the analysis. The analysis shows that the perceptions of asylum seekers and irregular immigrants as an undesirable solution to demographical challenges represent a relativistic approach to human rights. By legitimating this perception those concerned become even more vulnerable and at a higher risk of exploitation. The correlation between the contemporary democratic welfare state, international human rights law and the Regulation, together with increasing and irreversible migration flows, visualises an incompatible and diffuse organisation, which have to transform into cosmopolitan democracy and global solidarity if to survive.</p>

This is a qualitative research study utilising a theoretical framework of democracy theory, human rights and theories on migration and irregular migrants. The purpose of this research is to explore how the new Swedish Regulation on Labour Immigration, in relation to the harmonization of migration policy within the European Union, represents and effects the perception of asylum seekers and irregular migrants on a socio-political level in Sweden. Through four semi-structured interviews this study seeks to explore the following areas: the reasons behind the compromise concerning asylum seekers in the Regulation; the exclusion of irregular migrants in the Regulation; and the correlation between the Regulation and the harmonising of migration policy within the EU. The theoretical framework, together with the statements by informants and the grounding information concerning human rights and the migration policy within the EU, constitutes the analysis. The analysis shows that the perceptions of asylum seekers and irregular immigrants as an undesirable solution to demographical challenges represent a relativistic approach to human rights. By legitimating this perception those concerned become even more vulnerable and at a higher risk of exploitation. The correlation between the contemporary democratic welfare state, international human rights law and the Regulation, together with increasing and irreversible migration flows, visualises an incompatible and diffuse organisation, which have to transform into cosmopolitan democracy and global solidarity if to survive.

<p>Abstract</p><p>This thesis deals with the democratic accountability question within systems of global governance, but focuses on the European Union. The main ambition has been to explore and give an account for the current situation, and lack of accountability as a part of the European Union democratic deficit. It will also stress some of the solutions proposed. In order to fulfil this I have used classic liberal democracy theory and multi level governance theory. The thesis defines the concept of accountability as to be held accountable to a constituency or a superior official and the relationship between them can take many different shapes. Several factors are identified as threats to accountability such as many tiers of governance, no clearly defined responsibilities and the lack of elected politicians on a level of global governance. By establishing the EU as a government of multi level governance and a bearer of democratic values, problems with accountability and hence legitimacy will be presented in relation to the EU:s sui generis features and unique composition. The thesis concludes that even though a union with democratic accountability is highly desired, it is not feasible that it will happen in the nearest future, hence as the situation is today with scattered responsibilities and an invisibility within the non elected institutions, accountability remains a utopia for coming generations to implement.</p><p>Key Words: accountability, the EU, democracy, legitimacy, responsibility, global governance, multi level governance, democracy theory.</p><p>Characters: 78.833</p>

<p>Abstract</p><p>Since democracy was developed in the ancient Greece it has come to be used within a small city state, within the national state and as today used within a bigger perspective. After the end of the second world war political leaders wanted to make sure that there would never be a war between European countries again. Now, about 60 years later this type of cooperation now involves 27 of the European countries and goes under the name of the Euroapean Union. This means that democracy is no longer used just within the nation state, but within a big organisation that is responsible for almost 500 million Europeans lives. This also means that the European Union need to make some institutional reforms to be able to handle all the future challenges. The European Union is often accused of not being democratic enough and in my thesis I wanted to see what if there were any suggestions for a more democratic union within the new Lisbon treaty. The aim with this thesis has been to investigate if the European Union can be more democratic in the futher according to those changes that is listed in the Lisbon treaty.</p><p>My comprehensive objective is: does the European Union have any intentions of making the democratic bas within the union more democratic in the new Lisbon treaty?</p><p>My other objectives are: How democratic is the EU today?</p><p>How does the democratic base within the EU look like today?</p><p>How does the democratic base change in the new Lisbon treaty?</p><p>I have used a qualitative text analysis as a method to answer my questions because it’s a good method to use when we want to investigate organisational changes for example.</p><p>The result of my thesis has shown that some democratic changes are expressed in the Lisbon treaty and that they will make the EU a little bit more democratic in the future.</p>

PEREIRA, Antônio Kevan Brandão. Teoria Democrática Contemporânea: o conceito de poliarquia na obra de Robert Dahl. 2013. 107f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza (CE), 2013. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-08-12T11:31:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_dis_akbpereira.pdf: 711707 bytes, checksum: 2dd640b7dc6054bbf6bb2c7ed2009e71 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-08-12T11:34:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_dis_akbpereira.pdf: 711707 bytes, checksum: 2dd640b7dc6054bbf6bb2c7ed2009e71 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-12T11:34:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_dis_akbpereira.pdf: 711707 bytes, checksum: 2dd640b7dc6054bbf6bb2c7ed2009e71 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / This paper analyzes the concept of polyarchy in the work of Robert Dahl. The author makes a distinction between "ideal democracy" and "real democracy". For him, the word "democracy" evokes the original Greek scenario of direct participation, no longer appropriate to classify regimes representative contemporaries. Such schemes are poor approximations of democratic ideals, and therefore should be classified as "polyarchies". Through a literature search, this work aims at identifying and analyzing more specifically, the research that the author conducted in his classic book "Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition," in which he addressed the issue of regime transition, trying to understand what conditions that favor or hinder the transition from a regime not polyarchical to a polyachical regime. / Este trabalho analisa o conceito de poliarquia na obra de Robert Dahl. O autor faz uma distinção entre “democracia ideal” e “democracia real”. Para ele, a palavra “democracia” evoca o cenário grego original de participação direta, não sendo mais adequada para classificar os regimes representativos contemporâneos. Tais regimes são pobres aproximações dos ideais democráticos, e que por isso devem ser classificados como “poliarquias”. Por meio de uma pesquisa bibliográfica, o trabalho objetiva evidenciar e analisar, mais especificamente, a investigação que o autor realizou no seu clássico livro “Poliarquia: Participação e Oposição”, no qual ele abordou o tema da transição de regimes, procurando compreender quais as condições que favorecem ou impedem a transição de um regime não poliárquico para um regime poliárquico.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / Este trabalho analisa o conceito de poliarquia na obra de Robert Dahl. O autor faz uma distinÃÃo entre âdemocracia idealâ e âdemocracia realâ. Para ele, a palavra âdemocraciaâ evoca o cenÃrio grego original de participaÃÃo direta, nÃo sendo mais adequada para classificar os regimes representativos contemporÃneos. Tais regimes sÃo pobres aproximaÃÃes dos ideais democrÃticos, e que por isso devem ser classificados como âpoliarquiasâ. Por meio de uma pesquisa bibliogrÃfica, o trabalho objetiva evidenciar e analisar, mais especificamente, a investigaÃÃo que o autor realizou no seu clÃssico livro âPoliarquia: ParticipaÃÃo e OposiÃÃoâ, no qual ele abordou o tema da transiÃÃo de regimes, procurando compreender quais as condiÃÃes que favorecem ou impedem a transiÃÃo de um regime nÃo poliÃrquico para um regime poliÃrquico. / This paper analyzes the concept of polyarchy in the work of Robert Dahl. The author makes a distinction between "ideal democracy" and "real democracy". For him, the word "democracy" evokes the original Greek scenario of direct participation, no longer appropriate to classify regimes representative contemporaries. Such schemes are poor approximations of democratic ideals, and therefore should be classified as "polyarchies". Through a literature search, this work aims at identifying and analyzing more specifically, the research that the author conducted in his classic book "Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition," in which he addressed the issue of regime transition, trying to understand what conditions that favor or hinder the transition from a regime not polyarchical to a polyachical regime.

Abstract This study examines the new nation Somaliland democratization process since 1991. The research is based on Somaliland conditions to begin a democracy process which is studied on the basis of the Robert Dahl democracy theory. Somaliland is a "hybrid democracy", which means there are democratic structures but the shortcomings in the system  makes it impossible recognize Somaliland as a democracy. Somaliland has been influenced by blending Western democratic structures with their own traditional and cultural ways of steering. Somaliland promotes development in terms of democracy and politics. But the new nation faces challenges in the democratization process. Keywords: New nation, Dahl democracy theory, Hybriddemocracy, five criterias.

Diploma thesis "Paradigma of Democracy in 20th. century" dissert upon modern theory of democracy. Thesis try to point differences in interpretation of the democracy conception on the basis of four modern theory democracy, which were interpreted in 20th century. Diploma thesis describe these doctrines: theory of competition democracy by J. A. Schumpeter; theory of pluralistic democracy and theory of polyarchy by R. A. Dahl; theory of justice by J. Rawls. At the close of thesis is short comparative analysis based on the main ideas these four democratic theory. Comparative analysis try to demonstrate main differences in the interpretation of democracy idea. It is necessary to understand, that "democracy" ins't exactly single valued definition, but democracy is wide spectrum of various doctrines. These various doctrines have very often divergencies of opinion about democracy. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Abstract This thesis deals with the democratic accountability question within systems of global governance, but focuses on the European Union. The main ambition has been to explore and give an account for the current situation, and lack of accountability as a part of the European Union democratic deficit. It will also stress some of the solutions proposed. In order to fulfil this I have used classic liberal democracy theory and multi level governance theory. The thesis defines the concept of accountability as to be held accountable to a constituency or a superior official and the relationship between them can take many different shapes. Several factors are identified as threats to accountability such as many tiers of governance, no clearly defined responsibilities and the lack of elected politicians on a level of global governance. By establishing the EU as a government of multi level governance and a bearer of democratic values, problems with accountability and hence legitimacy will be presented in relation to the EU:s sui generis features and unique composition. The thesis concludes that even though a union with democratic accountability is highly desired, it is not feasible that it will happen in the nearest future, hence as the situation is today with scattered responsibilities and an invisibility within the non elected institutions, accountability remains a utopia for coming generations to implement. Key Words: accountability, the EU, democracy, legitimacy, responsibility, global governance, multi level governance, democracy theory. Characters: 78.833