Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

This dissertation studies the cultural traces of the experience of fear in relation to the social and cultural legacies of the Spanish Civil War and the Francoist dictatorship. By applying the theoretical and narratological insights afforded by the horror genre and through the figure of the monster, the research identifies and analyzes alternative memories of the traumatic past, exploring the experience of fear within film and literature to reveal and claim an unrecognized approach to the representation of the war, with key critical findings and implications regarding the shaping and interpretation of the Spanish social imaginary of this event in this most persistent of cultural debates. Chapter II, explores the maquis in Luna de lobos (1985) by Julio Llamazares, tracing the human involution of a group of men that seeking refuge from Francoist repression become monstrous shells of themselves. It pursues this degradation to rethink the locus of the monster, finding it in the monstrous policies of the regime, that demands the exorcism of the resistance movement—the ultimate Other—rendering it ghostly by community and family as the cornerstone foundational violence of a new society. Chapter III, delves into the cinematographic representation of monsters and monstrous elements in Pa negre (2010) by Agustí Villaronga. It studies the competing narratives in postwar Spain that turn a child of the defeated into a monstrous regime supporter, a process that suggests the origins of contemporary society as the monstrous traces of Francoist society. It analyzes the features that render its protagonist, first, a monster in the eyes of the new regime—along the lines of the classical monster—to later on, through disappointment, shame and betrayal, a monster to his family and social class—thus becoming a modern monster. Chapter IV tackles a cinematographic allegorical representation of the past in Balada triste de trompeta (2010) by Álex de la Iglesia, a tour de force that attempts to be a total narrative of the war, a collage of historical memory through the monstrous moments that define Francoism. The fusion of elements from “esperpento”, horror and melodramatic national romance render a unique postnational satire.

En 1972, lorsqu’apparaît la revue satirique Hermano Lobo, l’Espagne est régie par une dictature depuis presque quarante ans. A cette époque, la presse est surveillée, et bien que la censure ait été assouplie depuis l’instauration de la loi Fraga en 1966, les journalistes ne peuvent pas s’exprimer librement. La presse satirique a toujours été liée au régime et à la politique des pays dans lesquels elle était publiée. Sa volonté et son objectif de dénoncer les travers politiques et sociaux dépendaient alors des lois en vigueur. De la plus libérale à la plus restrictive, ces lois ont conduit les journalistes à adopter un langage détourné. Hermano Lobo représente cette tradition du non-dit et de l’évocation métaphorique ; elle utilise tout type de recours afin de dénoncer la politique du franquisme tardif et son anachronisme au sein d’une Europe Communautaire dont elle est exclue. Grâce aux codes langagiers, les journalistes montrent que l’immobilisme de la dictature ne correspond plus à une société en pleine mutation. Mais au-delà de la dénonciation politique, Hermano Lobo veut aussi régénérer la presse humoristique espagnole. Entre tradition et modernité, les créateurs de la revue veulent faire un journal où le graphisme aura une place prépondérante, où la simplicité et l’attractivité répondront à un contexte morose dans l’attente d’une rupture politique. La revue évolue pourtant vers une tonalité moins enjouée face à la lenteur du processus démocratique, et disparaît en juin 1976. Pendant quatre ans, elle aura lutté contre une dictature qui bafouait les libertés, et s’éteindra paradoxalement à la veille de la Loi pour la Réforme politique instaurée par Adolfo Suárez. / When the satirical magazine Hermano Lobo was released in 1972, Spain had been ruled by a dictatorship for almost forty years. At the time the press was under close surveillance and although the censorship had been relaxed since the establishment of the Fraga law in 1966, journalists had no freedom of speech. The satirical press had always had strong links with the governments and the policies of the countries where it was published. Its will and its purpose to denounce the political and social failings depended upon the current laws at the time. From the most liberal to the most restrictive, these laws have led the reporters to adopt a roundabout language in order to communicate with their readers. Hermano Lobo represented this tradition of the unsaid and of the metaphorical evocation. Thus, as a satirical magazine published under a totalitarian government. Hermano Lobo resorted to every kind of stylistic, rhetorical or thematic methods to denounce the policy of late Francoism and its anachronism within a European community that excluded it. Thanks to the linguistic codes they set up, the journalists could show then that the immobilism of the dictatorship could not match with a society undergoing massive changes any more. But, beyond political accusation and questioning inspired by the philosophy on Enlightenment, Hermano Lobo also aimed at intent to restoring the humorous Spanish press. Torn between tradition and modernity, the founders of the magazine wanted to make a newspaper in which illustrations would play a prominent part, where simplicity and attractiveness would echoe a sluggish environment that was hoping for a political change.

Dans l'Espagne de la fin du franquisme à nos jours, l'histoire socio-politique mouvementée dessine une ligne qui, de la dictature franquiste à la démocratie retrouvée, permet l'émergence d'une identité labile de la photographie espagnole oscillant entre l'alignement sur des modèles esthétiques et critiques dérivés de la postmodernité nord ­européenne et américaine et la valorisation de spécificités créatives forgées par la culture péninsulaire. Dans ce processus de quête identitaire, nous avons déterminé trois phases : d'abord, dans les dernières heures du franquisme et le début de la transition démocratique, sous l'égide de la revue Nueva Lente, s'affirme une génération militante de photographes qui s'ouvrent à la création internationale et à l'esthétique postmoderniste et dont le paroxysme en Espagne sera la Movida ; puis, de la fin des années 80 et jusqu'au milieu des années 90, l'apport critique de la revue Photo Vision et en parallèle l'atomisation des pratiques photographiques du fait de l'essor des communautés autonomes suscite une réévaluation du modèle postmoderne; enfin, au début du XXIème siècle, la redécouverte d'une filiation territoriale avec les pays du Sud et l'avènement de l'ère digitale, génèrent chez les photographes ibériques de nouveaux déterminants idiosyncrasiques à même de privilégier une forme de transterritorialité. / In Spain from the end of Francoism to nowadays, the animated sociopolitical history draws a line which, from the Franco dictatorship to the refound democracy, allows the emergence of an unstable identity of the Spanish photography oscillating between the alignment on esthetic and critical models derived of the north-European and American postmodernity and the promotion of creative specificities forged by the Peninsular culture. In this process of search for identity, we determined three phases: at first, in the last hours of the Francoism and the beginning of the democratic transition, under the aegis of the magazine Nueva Lente, a militant generation of photographers assert themselves and open to the international creation and to the postmodernist esthetics, paroxysm of which will be in Spain the Movida ; then, from the end of the 80s till the middle of the 90s, the critical impact of the review PhotoVisi6n and, in parallel, the atomization of the photographic practices because of the development of autonomous communities arouses a revaluation of the postmodernist mode); finally, at the beginning of the XXIth century, the rediscovery of a territorial filiation with the countries of the South and the advent of the digital era, generate for the Iberian photographers new idiosyncratic determiners taking the shape of a transterritoriality.

L'Association internationale des travailleurs, fondée en 1922, est la principale fédération d'organisations anarcho-syndicalistes, un courant important du mouvement ouvrier, essentiellement en Europe et en Amérique latine entre les années 1910 et 1930. Les collectivisations révolutionnaires en Espagne au cours de la guerre civile constituent sa plus grande réalisation, tandis qu'un déclin du mouvement s'est déjà amorcé dans les autres pays. Confrontés à leur propre mise en pratique, les principes, tactiques et finalités anarcho-syndicalistes commencent alors à être mis en question. Cette thèse étudie les causes et manifestations de la crise qui commence à ce moment, et dure tout au long du XXe siècle, entraînant sa division et sa marginalisation ; en même temps que ses résurgences multiformes. Elle permet d'entrevoir les transformations de l'AIT, du courant et de la culture qu'elle représente, ainsi que les raisons de leur persistance. / The International Workers Association was founded in 1922, and is the historical and largest organisation of anarcho-syndicalism, one of the major working class currents, mainly in Europe and Latin America between the 1910 and 1930 decades. The collectivizations in Spain during the civil war represent its biggest fulfillment, while in the other countries the movement allready started to decline. The practical application of the anarcho-syndicalist principles, tactics and aims leads to various re-assessments and internal conflicts. This thesis studies the causes and manifestations of the long term crisis which starts at this moment and goes on throughout the whole XXth century. At the same time as anarcho-syndicalism divides and marginalizes itself, multiform resurgences occurs. This overview enables to discern the transformations of the IWA, of the current and the culture it embodies, and the reasons of their persistence.

Orientador: Pedro Paulo Abreu Funari / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T12:24:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rufino_RafaelAugustoNakayama_M.pdf: 11023080 bytes, checksum: 3e35823d92291e8f3a8997654d7e52f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: A presente proposta de pesquisa se insere em uma problemática atual no campo da História e da Arqueologia sobre o mundo antigo, qual seja o estudo das apropriações modernas da Antiguidade. A uma pretensa objetividade do conhecimento histórico seguiu-se uma reação subjetivista, que coloca no centro de qualquer visão sobre o passado o autor dessa visão, que acaba por interferir diretamente no conteúdo de sua produção. Nesse sentido, a Antiguidade, como campo de pesquisa, passou a ser problematizada por um viés analítico que não a concebe por si mesma, mas levando em conta suas próprias tradições interpretativas, ligadas a diferentes interesses e momentos históricos. Nessa perspectiva, do ponto de vista temático, a pesquisa busca compreender a utilização de referencias do mundo romano pelo governo franquista na Espanha. Mais especificamente, analisa os eventos que ocorreram em torno da comemoração do bimilenário de Augusto, nas cidades de Tarragona e Zaragoza, nos anos de 1939 e 1940, respectivamente. Esse evento adquire uma importância histórica muito grande, quando se intensificam os estudos sobre o governo de Augusto e, ele próprio, é apresentado como o modelo de governante a ser seguido. Busca-se, nesse sentido, compreender certa instrumentalidade da História e da Arqueologia sobre esse período, bem como seu caráter marcadamente discursivo, na tentativa de perceber o mundo antigo de forma mais problematizada, considerando as leituras que dele se faz, leituras estas inseridas e marcadas pelo tempo presente / Abstract: This research proposal is inserted in current issue in the branch of History and Archaeology about the ancient world, which is, the study of the moderns appropriations of the antiquity. A subjectivist reaction follows to an alleged historical knowledge objectivity, which put in the center of any vision its author, who eventually interferes directly in the production's content. Thus, the antiquity, as research field, become to be problematized by an analytical bias that not conceives itself, but taking into account their own interpretative traditions, and linked to different interests and historical moments. In this perspective, form and thematic standpoint, the research seeks to comprehend the utilization of references form roman world by the Franco government in Spain. More specifically, it analyses the events which occurred around the commemoration of two thousandth anniversary of Augustus, in the cities of Tarragona and Zaragoza, in the years of 1939 and 1940, respectively. These events takes a great historical importance when the studies about the government of Augustus get intensified and himself is taking as a model of governor to be followed. Is tried, so, understand the role of History and Archaeology in this period, as well its discursive disposition, in an attempt to understand the ancient world in a more problematic view, considering the reading made of it, which is inserted and marked by this time / Mestrado / Historia / Mestre em História

This master thesis deals with the topic of the so called Spanish economic miracle. It describes vast economic changes which started in the 1960s in Spain. The thesis offers a political context of dictatorship of Francisco Franco (1939-1975) and a review of economic development before and during this phenomenon (which is the most discussed). The economic boom is illustrated on an example of tourism. The thesis describes development of tourism and connection between tourism and the so called economic miracle.

L’historiographie de l’avant-garde musicale sous le franquisme a montré à quel point celle-ci s’était développée dans des structures proches du pouvoir. Selon les études produites sur cette question, les compositeurs se seraient emparés des organismes officiels comme d’espaces dépolitisés dans lesquels ils auraient pu mener une activité artistique autonome. Ce sont ainsi les attitudes de prise de distance et de critique face au gouvernement de Franco qui ont majoritairement suscité l’intérêt des chercheurs, laissant de côté la question de la proximité de ces musiciens avec le pouvoir en place. Notre thèse tente de reconstruire et d’analyser dans toute leur complexité les rapports tissés entre le milieu de l’avant-garde musicale espagnole et le régime franquiste. À cet effet, elle s’intéresse aux éléments – conduites, discours, événements, productions – mettant en évidence la proximité de ses protagonistes avec la sphère politique ainsi qu’au soutien que l’État a pu leur apporter. Située au croisement de l’histoire et de la musicologie, cette enquête cherche d’une part à proposer une nouvelle approche de l’histoire culturelle et politique du franquisme et d’autre part à contribuer à une réflexion plus générale sur les interpénétrations entre musique et politique, en particulier sous les dictatures. / As previous research has shown, the Spanish musical avant-garde originated under Franco and then forged long-lasting and close connections with State institutions. According to these studies, composers used official organizations as depoliticized spaces in which they could develop their autonomous artistic activity. Thus, most scholars have focused on critical attitudes towards the regime and ignored issues regarding the proximity of these musicians with Franco’s government. This research aims to reconstruct and analyse the relationship between the Spanish musical avant-garde and the Francoist regime in all its complexity. In order to do so, we will closely examine elements – behaviour, rhetoric, events, productions – which show the proximity of certain composers to the political sphere as well as the support that the State provided for them. Situated at the crossroads between history and musicology, this study offers a new perspective on the cultural and political history of Francoism and, moreover, contributes to a general reflection on the interpenetration of music and politics, particularly under dictatorial regimes.

Ce travail de thèse porte sur le destin des enfants et des adolescents envoyés en maisons de redressement (reformatorios) de 1939 à 1975. Il confronte la norme produite par l'État franquiste en matière de déviance juvénile aux réalités de la prise en charge des mineurs dans trois institutions particulières : l'Asilo Durán de Barcelone, la Colonia San Vicente Ferrer de Valence et, dans une moindre mesure, la Casa tutelar San Francisco de Paula de Séville. L'histoire heurtée et le caractère archaïque des reformatorios révèlent les carences de l'État espagnol (manque structurel de moyens, place considérable de l'Eglise catholique). Dans le domaine de la prise en charge de la déviance juvénile, le franquisme n'invente rien ou presque : il se contente d'abroger les réformes limitées mises en place par la Seconde République pour en revenir au dispositif de la Dictature de Primo de Rivera. Les pensionnaires de maison de redressement sont internés pour deux motifs principaux : le vol et l'indiscipline. Ils ne viennent pas majoritairement de quartiers populaires dans lesquels une population ouvrière est installée depuis longtemps : c'est plutôt le déracinement, lié à la guerre et aux mutations profondes de la société espagnole, qui provoque la fragilité et favorise la déviance. Il apparaît que les enfants de « rouges » ne représentent qu'une minorité des pensionnaires de l'Asilo Durán et de la Colonia San Vicente Ferrer. Néanmoins, les reformatorios constituent un des maillons de la chaîne répressive, de contrôle social et de bienfaisance mise en place par la dictature franquiste avec l'appui de l'Eglise catholique. / This dissertation analyzes the fate of children and teenagers sent to Spanish reformatory schools between 1939 and 1975. It compares the official norm of youth deviance produced by Franco's state with the actual treatment of minors in three institutions: the Asilo Durán in Barcelona, the Colonia San Vicente Ferrer in Valencia and, to a lesser extent, the Casa tutelar San Francisco de Paula in Sevilla. The turbulent history of reformatorios and their antiquated methods reflect the failings of the Spanish State (structural lack of means, strong influence of the Catholic Church). The study of laws shows that Francoism innovates very little in the field of youth deviance management. It merely abrogates the limited reforms of the Republican era and reactivates the policy implemented under the Primo de Rivera Dictatorship. The inmates of reformatory schools are incarcerated for two main motives: theft and indiscipline. They are not from traditional working class neighborhoods: social frailty and related deviant behaviors are rather caused by the loss of roots due to the war and the deep mutations of Spanish society. Children of “reds” only accounted for a minority of inmates of the Asilo Durán and of the Colonia San Vicente Ferrer. Reformatorios are nevertheless a component of the policy of repression, social control and charity set up by Franco's dictatorship with the support of the Catholic Church.

“Destino”, des dels anys quaranta i sobretot en els cinquanta i primers seixanta del segle XX, mitjançant una fórmula culta, va protagonitzar un doble debat, polític i cultural. Polític, en defensa de més llibertat i d'un cert liberalisme europeu, però no tant nacional o de país. Cultural, en defensa d'una cultura castellana, i catalana feta aquí, però majoritàriament en castellà (premis Nadal, Brunet de periodisme, etc.). Aquest doble debat anava adreçat a una societat bàsicament catalana, culta i amb inquietuds intel.lectuals, que desitjava tenir una finestra oberta al que passava al món, en tots els camps, de les arts, de la cultura, de la literatura, de la música, del cinema o de la política, etc., i que no ho trobaven en altres mitjans de comunicació, ni molt menys en la cultura oficial del règim. Aquest era partidari d’una cultura de pensament únic, claustrofòbica, que ofegava qualsevol testimoni o iniciativa que s’apartés de la línia oficial marcada. I no ho feia només amb propaganda i consignes; si havia d’emprar la violència per aconseguir-ho, no dubtava en aplicar-la. L’arribada de Fraga al ministeri, i la famosa "Llei de Premsa" de març de 1966, que atorgava, més llibertat d’expressió, per una part; i el sorgiment d'altres publicacions (Serra d'Or) i de grups socials (Òmnium Cultural), i que donaven més contingut a la "identitat nacional" d'aquesta mateixa societat, van anar desplaçant lentament a “Destino”, com a referència, fins a portar-la a la marginalització, per acabar extingint-se, a finals dels setanta. Les disputes amb aquells grups, que utilitzaven la cultura catalana com a “eina per la recuperació de la dignitat i la reconstrucció nacional del país”, en uns moments en que creixia el sentiment nacionalista en el sí de la societat, els enfrontaments amb el règim, la situació perifèrica de “Destino”, i l’aparició a Madrid de revistes com “Tiempo” o “Cambio16”, de caire més modern i d’àmbit estatal, exercint una sistemàtica oposició política que no va fer mai aquella, varen fer inexorable la seva desaparició. Del que s'ocupa aquest treball és de tota aquesta decadència. El debat polític que tracto d’abordar, es circumscriurà només a la política nacional, la de l’Estat espanyol, malgrat fer incursions ocasionals a tres països veïns, França, el Marroc i Portugal, en moments puntuals. Es evident que aquest debat polític té moltes cares, i tractaré de donar, també una pinzellada a altres vessants, com la religiosa (L’Església catòlica anava de la mà del règim, recolzant-se mútuament; la separació Església-Estat no existia), o la crítica social (La universitat fou un pou de maldecaps per a l’Administració i una font d’enfrontaments en aquests anys; la situació de la dona, el feminisme que començava a créixer al nostre país, l’especulació immobiliària,...). Tanmateix, limitaré el debat cultural del treball al voltant de la literatura, en castellà i en català; la llengua com a vehicle d’una cultura. La defensa del català i de la cultura catalana feta en castellà esdevindrà un tema recurrent en les pàgines de “Destino” al llarg d’aquests anys. Què defensaven, cóm ho defensaven i per què ho feien serà fil conductor que ens portarà pel recorregut d’aquesta etapa, des del 1966 fins la mort de Franco, el 1975. / “Destino” and the Catalan culture at the end of Francoism (1966-1975) “Destino” magazine starred a double discussion, cultural and political, directed by a Catalan society, educated, who wished to have an open window to what was happening in the world, in every field, and what was not found it in other media, even in the “official culture” of the system. Political, defending more liberty and European liberalism, not even national or from the country. Cultural, defending the Castilian and Catalan culture done here, but in Castilian (Nadal Prizes, Brunet from journalism, etc.). The system, supporter of an unique thinking culture, claustrophobic, that is drowning any testimony or initiative that was far from the official line. And it did it not only with political material and slogans, but also, if necessary, using violence to get it. Fraga’s arrival to the ministry, and the famous “Press Law” from March 1966, by one side, and the appear of other publications (Serra d’Or) and social groups (Ommium Cultural), that gave more content to “national identity”, from the other, moved “Destino” from reference place to isolation, arriving to extinction at the end of the 70’s. Arguments between these groups, which used Catalan culture as a “dignity recovery tool and country national reconstruction”, put face to face to the system. “Destino”’s peripheral situation, and the appearance of “Tiempo” or “Cambio16” magazines in Madrid, made his extinction inexorable. What this dissertation talks is about all of this decay. Political discussion is only about the Spanish national politics. It also gives you a small view to other aspects, as religious (Catholics and the system were holding themselves) or social criticism (university as a source of conflict during these years; woman’s situation, feminism, real state speculation, etc.). Cultural discussion is limited to literature in Castilian and Catalan, with language as a vehicle of a culture. Defence of Catalan language and culture done in the Castilian language will be a recurrent argument in “Destino” pages during these years. What they defended it, how they defended it and why did they defended it is what take us the route during these years.