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Esta tesis doctoral pretende arrojar luz sobre el mayor debate intelectual mantenido con respecto al Ser de España bajo el franquismo (1936-1975). La querella ocupó no pocas páginas de autores tan importantes para el siglo XX español como fueron, el falangista y médico Pedro Laín Entralgo (1908-2001), y el monárquico e historiador Rafael Calvo Serer (1916-1988).La publicación, en 1949, de sendos volúmenes, España como problema, por parte de Laín Entralgo, y la respuesta, España, sin problema, de la mano de Calvo Serer, estimuló una discusión que venía de lejos en el panorama intelectual español, el conocido como Problema de España.Como se intentará demostrar, los contenidos de la discusión podían parecer inocuos a ojos de muchos españoles, pero lo que realmente se estaba discutiendo en las páginas de los mencionados autores era una configuración y eventual salida del Régimen creado por el Generalísimo Francisco Franco (1892-1975). / This thesis aims at shed light on the most relevant debate held on the Being of Spain under Francoism (1936-1975). This dispute occupied many pages in the works of two of the most important authors in the 20th century Spain. On the one hand, the Falangist and doctor Pedro Laín Entralgo (1908-2001), on the other, the Monarchist and historian Rafael Calvo Serer (1916-1988). With two books published in 1949, España como problema, by Laín Entralgo, and the answer, España, sin problema, by Calvo Serer, promoted a discusión that was already present in the Spanish intellectual environment, the Spanish Problem.As we want to demonstrate, the contents of these two books seemed innocuous to many Spaniards, but what they were really discussing in these pages was the configuration and eventual way out to the political regime created by Generalissimo Francisco Franco (1892-1975).

Notre thèse s'attachera à montrer la pertinence d'une écriture engagée et genrée de la Seconde République et du Franquisme à travers cinq romans de femmes récents pour réparer les déficiences de l'Histoire. La tension référentielle créée par l'historicisation et la fictionnalisation de ces romans permet leur ancrage dans un référent historique questionné et fragilisé à travers une écriture postmoderne et non-événementielle. Ces choix épistémologiques soulignent le projet axiologique sous-tendu. Ainsi, l'analyse du discours porté sur l'Histoire révèle sa subjectivité, partialité et son ironie pour imposer une approche mémorielle orientée vers la récupération de la mémoire des vaincus/ues, volontairement manichéenne pour construire la condamnation du franquisme. L'analyse des thématiques privilégiées met en lumière ensuite la réhabilitation de la sphère privée, à travers les relations entre sexes et la famille, pour en révéler l'historicité. L'étude des enjeux familiaux met au jour la construction des identités et des mémoires familiales, de leurs stratégies pour se perpétuer, mais aussi des processus de délitement qu'elles subissent, à travers les questions de la filiation et de la transmission. L'étude des personnages, de l'hétérogénéité énonciative et formelle montre enfin comment ces histoires assument un traitement sexué de l'Histoire induisant une focalisation sur l'expérience historique des femmes et une récupération obsessionnelle de leur parole pour révéler les enjeux de pouvoir, déconstruire les préjugés androcentriques sur la féminité, établir l'identité, voire la spécificité de la culture des femmes de l'époque pour révéler les processus de son occultation et de sa dévalorisation, tout en pointant le projet misogyne qui informe le franquisme. / Our thesis will endeavour to show the relevance of a committed, gendered writing on the Second Republic and on Francoism - through five recent novels written by women - to compensate for the deficiencies of History. The referential tension created by the historicization and the fictionalization of these novels makes them fall into a historical referent questioned and weakened through post-modern and non- factual writing. These epistemological choices emphasize the underlying axiological project. Thus, the analysis of the speech found in History reveals its subjectivity, bias and irony to impose a memorial approach restoring the memory of the vanquished (male or female), an approach voluntarily manichean to condemn Francoism. Then the analysis of the privileged themes brings into light the rehabilitation of the private sphere, through the relations between genders and families to reveal its historicity. The study of what is at stake in families reveals the construction of identities and family memories, their strategies to perpetuate them but also the processes of disintegration they are submitted to, through the questions of filiation and transmission. The study of the characters, of the heterogeneity of speech and form finally shows how these stories take on a gendered treatment of History leading to a focalization on the historic experience of women and an obsessional recuperation of their voices to reveal power interests at stake, deconstruct androcentric prejudices on femininity, establish the identity, or specificity of women's culture at the time, to reveal the processes of its concealment and depreciation while pointing at the misogynist policy which characterizes Francoism.

La fictionnalisation de l’histoire récente dans le cinéma espagnol de la démocratie est abordée sous l’angle de sa représentation par les directeurs artistiques à qui, au cinéma, incombe la responsabilité de tout l’aspect visuel du film. L’étude de ce métier, peu traitée dans la production scientifique de la recherche cinématographique, nous intéresse dans son évolution depuis les années 30 jusqu’à nos jours. Elle permet de mettre en lumière les mécanismes qui sont à l’œuvre pour représenter l’histoire au cinéma, du franquisme à la démocratie.L’objectif de la thèse est de démontrer l’importance fondamentale de la direction artistique dans le film historique, de dégager les implications idéologiques qu’elle sous-tend et de déceler les caractéristiques esthétiques qui varient selon les époques, les intentionnalités et les styles des concepteurs des décors. / The fictionalization of recent history in the Spanish cinema of democracy is approached in terms of its representation by the art directors who, in cinema, are responsible for all the visual aspects of the film. The study of this issue, little discussed in the scientific production of film studies, interests us in its development since the 30s until the current time. It makes possible to highlight the mechanisms that are at work to represent history in cinema, from Francoism to democracy.The aim of the thesis is to demonstrate the fundamental importance of art direction in the historical film, to identify the ideological implications that underlies and detect the aesthetic characteristics that vary according to eras, styles and intentions of production designers.

Dans une Espagne étouffée par la dictature de Francisco Franco qui tente de réintégrer la scène artistique internationale en promouvant à l’étranger certains artistes abstraits informels, la position de collectif d’artistes abstraits géométriques Equipo 57 est singulière. Désireux de découvrir un monde libre et assoiffés de savoir, les jeunes artistes Juan Serrano, José Duarte, Agustín Ibarrola et Ángel Duart se rencontrent à Paris en 1957. Partageant les mêmes affinités pour l’art construit, les avant-gardes russes et la même volonté de rénovation de la vie culturelle espagnole, ils décident de former une équipe de travail et de discussion. De retour à Cordoue, rejoints par Juan Cuenca, les cinq membres du collectif élaborent la théorie de l’Interactivité de l’espace plastique qui sous-tend leurs créations, où l’individualité de chacun est gommée au profit de l’oeuvre collective. À la recherche d’un art qui puisse se réintégrer dans la vie quotidienne tout en questionnant la responsabilité de l’artiste, Equipo 57 emploie un langage rationnel et objectif qui s’exprime aussi bien dans le champ de la peinture, de la sculpture que du design. Il tente ainsi de conjuguer recherches formelles et engagement social. Cette première étude monographique en français propose d’analyser le parcours d’Equipo 57, depuis sa formation à Paris en 1957 jusqu’à dissolution officielle en 1966, en le confrontant au contexte socioculturel de l’Espagne franquiste et de l’Europe occidentale au tournant des années cinquante et soixante. / In the 1950s, as Francisco Franco’s dictatorship tries to reintegrate its stifled country’s art scene onto the world stage by promoting certain Spanish abstract expressionists abroad, the position of Equipo 57, a collective of geometrical abstractionists, is unique. Eager to discover the free world, and thirsty for knowledge, the young artists Juan Serrano, José Duarte, Agustín Ibarrola and Ángel Duart meet in Paris in 1957. Sharing the same affinity for constructivist art and the Russian avant-garde, and united in their desire to renew Spanish cultural life, they decide to form a team of work and discussion. Upon their return to Cordoba, where they are joined by Juan Cuenca, the five members of the team elaborate a theory of the Interactivity of plastic space which guides their creation. The individuality of each member is thus erased for the good of the collective work. Aiming for an art that is able to enter into everyday life while questioning the responsibility of the artist, Equipo 57 uses a rational and objective language which takes form in painting, sculpture and design. They try to combine formal experiments as well as socio-political engagement. This premier monographic study in French aims to analyze the career of Equipo 57, from its inception in Paris in 1957 to its official dissolution in 1966. The group’s existence will be confronted with its sociocultural context in Franco’s Spain and Western Europe at the turn of the decade of the 1950s and 1960s.

My dissertation asserts that folklore under the Iberian fascist regimes portrayed a distorted mirror of the peoples of the Iberian Peninsula. In this operation, social deviance was a key category for political folklore in order to address wider audiences. Staging Deviant Traditions argues that the Spanish Francoist regime (1936/39-1975) and the Portuguese Estado Novo (1933-1974) utilized folklorists and folk performers who deviated from the social identities privileged by fascism. These folk ensembles reified traditional dance and music while deliberately ignoring the popular communities that produced and circulated vernacular repertoires. This dissertation not only places the Iberian politics of folklore within the broader frame of interwar fascist cultural policies but also follows the evolution of these politics during the Cold War by focusing on three cases: the Coros y Danzas of Sección Femenina, the Bailados Portugueses Verde Gaio, and the Ballet Gallego Rey de Viana. Staging Deviant Traditions begins by studying, in its Introduction, the politics of folklore under the Rome-Berlin Axis. Nazi Germany and fascist Italy massively institutionalized folklore through technology to control the narrative about the essence of the people and used tradition to construct a new fascist art through reactionary modernism. These experiences shaped the folklore of the time and inflected processes of traditional culture appropriation in the Iberian regimes, as explored in the three chapters that follow. In Chapter 1, “Coros y Danzas and the Political-Affective Reinvention of the Folklorist Role,” I study how Sección Femenina, the female elite of the Spanish fascist party, and its work in the Coros y Danzas women’s troupes intervened in the folklore transmission circuit to make themselves indispensable to the fascist government by recreating folklore, notwithstanding a regime that disavowed women’s political agency. Establishing its members as folklore agents who researched and collected autochthonous music and dance, Coros y Danzas managed to appropriate that traditional repertoire according to a gendered vision of women as vessels of vernacular culture. Coros y Danzas transformed folklore into fetishized sentimental spectacle drawing on affects and emotions as social practice so that their reified productions became associated with them affectively and politically. These reified productions, performed outside Spanish borders, used folk music and dance to create a sentimental Spanish community that sought to overcome dissidence and generate acceptance of the dictatorship; this movement enabled the organization to further secure its own position within Francoism. Chapter 2, “Verde Gaio: Queering Folk Dances for the Elite,” centers on the Estado Novo’s use of the Grupo de Bailados Portugueses Verde Gaio (1940-1983) as a cosmopolitan tool to promote a deceptive modernist image of the regime before select audiences. The head of the SPN/SNI (Secretariado de Propaganda Nacional, Secretariado Nacional da Informação), modernist intellectual António Ferro, aimed to create a state-owned ballet company following Ballets Russes’ homoerotic art. He chose queer dancer Francis Graça, trained at the revue, as Verde Gaio’s principal and choreographer. In preceding decades, the Orpheu intellectuals paved the way for queer modernism, and select artists were active in establishing the Verde Gaio. Despite the repression of sexual deviance under the Estado Novo, the Verde Gaio deployed queer aesthetic sensibilities and homoerotic images as a glamorous tool for diplomatic and domestic political affairs. At the same time, the Secretariado obliterated more vulgar sexual references in the vernacular repertoire, from which Verde Gaio took inspiration, while appearing to move with the times of cosmopolitan arts. Finally, in Chapter 3, “Negotiating Subalternity: The Ballet Gallego Rey de Viana against Flamenco,” I trace how the folklore troupe Ballet Gallego Rey de Viana (1949-2006) instrumentalized the Celtic and the Galician matriarchal myths to guarantee Galician privileged position within Francoist cultural diplomacy. However, these topoi, promoted by Spanish centralist circles, contributed to deactivating Galician ambitions of political autonomy and fostering Spanish internal colonialism in Galiza. By inserting Galician vernacular culture within the Celtic community, Rey de Viana pursued securing a more European image of the regime abroad than the exoticized picture provided by flamenco as the Spanish national dance. Through this operation, Rey de Viana aspired to oust flamenco by portraying a desirable gendered image of Spain abroad while cementing the Galician subaltern position within Francoism. Relying on diverse archival sources, such as correspondence, administrative documents, video footage, and newsclippings, Staging Deviant Traditions shows how Iberian fascist regimes depended on deviant social identities performing in folk ensembles so that reified music and dance traditions would become aesthetically and affectively associated with the dictatorships.

La « Transition vers la démocratie » est une période-clé dans l’Histoire récente de l’Espagne. Cette thèse s’attache à l’aborder à travers l’étude de six romans contemporains [publiés soit pendant la Transition soit après elle], dus à des écrivains aussi différents que Josefina R. Aldecoa, Juan Luis Cebrián, Miguel Delibes, Eduardo Mendoza et Antonio Muñoz Molina. Ces romans se penchent sur une période allant des années 60, époque dite du "Tardo-franquisme", à 1986, année de l’intégration de l’Espagne dans la CEE. Le choix de cette périodisation fait d’ailleurs l’objet d’une réflexion liminaire. Ces auteurs offrent des visions contrastées de ces bouleversements politiques, économiques et sociaux du pays d'une manière globale, mais aussi dans les deux Autonomies les plus « sensibles » en termes socio-politiques et culturels : Pays basque et Catalogne. Par-delà leur perception du contexte historique proprement dit, ils s’interrogent sur la transmission du passé et de la mémoire ainsi que sur le concept de culture et la notion d’identité individuelle et collective.L’ultime réflexion porte sur la combinaison Histoire-Littérature. Ces deux domaines sont-ils antinomiques ou complémentaires ? Enfin, ces romans de la mémoire ne rendent-ils pas compte également d’une sensibilité individuelle et intime ? / "Transition to democracy" is a key period in the recent history of Spain. This thesis endeavours to treat this period through the study of six contemporary novels (either published during or after the transition), by authors who are very different: Josefina R. Aldecoa, Juan Luis Cebrián, Miguel Delibes, Eduardo Mendoza and Antonio Muñoz Molina.These novels look into a period that goes from the 1960s, an era called "Late Francoism", to 1986, the year Spain joined the EEC. Moreover, the choice of this periodisation is the subject of an introductory reflection. These authors offer contrasted visions of these political, economic and social upheavals in a comprehensive manner as well as a look at the two most sensitive autonomy movements in cultural and socio-political terms: the Basque Provinces and Catalonia.Beyond their perception of the historical context itself, they ponder the transmission from the past and memory as well as the concept of culture and the notion of individual and collective identity.The final reflection deals with the History-Literature mix. Are these two domains paradoxical or complementary? Finally, do these memory novels also not give an account of an individual and intimate sensitivity?

Après la Guerre civile espagnole et le franquisme, apparut une nouvelle génération d’intellectuels phalangistes. Dionisio Ridruejo était le modèle de l’intellectuel fasciste, qui avait accédé très jeune à un poste de pouvoir et qui croyait en un homme et en un État nouveaux. Mais ce dernier rompit bruyamment avec le régime franquiste et abandonna son poste de Chef de la Propagande. Il estima que le pouvoir personnel de Franco trahissait l’idéal phalangiste. Cette rupture fut le début d’une longue période d’assignation à résidence, qui le mena à réfléchir sur ses propres convictions. Cela ne signifiait pas que Ridruejo était devenu démocrate, contrairement à ce que prétendent rétrospectivement certains de ses amis, convaincus d’avoir été des libéraux depuis les années 40. Il importait de comprendre la cohérence de l’itinéraire de cet intellectuel, qui passa de l’idéal phalangiste aux normes démocratiques, au point d’inspirer le combat des artisans de la Transition vers la démocratie. / After Spanish Civil War and Francoism, a new generation of Falangist intellectuals appeared. Dionisio Ridruejo was the example of a Fascist intellectual, who rose very young to the power and believed in a new Man and in a new State. But he loudly broke with the Francoist regime and deserted his head of Propaganda post. He thought that Franco’s personal power was betraying the Falangist ideal. This breaking off was the beginning of a long period of house arrest which led him to think about his own beliefs. It does not mean that Ridruejo was a democrat, contrary to what are claiming retrospectively his friends who are convinced that they were liberals since the 1940s. It is important to understand the coherence of this intellectual’s path who changed from Falangist ideal to democratic beliefs, inspiring the fight for transition to democracy.

Cette thèse analyse la fonction politique et identitaire du football en Espagne pendant le franquisme et la transition démocratique, en se focalisant particulièrement sur deux clubs : le Real Madrid et le FC Barcelone. L’un est considéré comme le meilleur ambassadeur de l’Espagne à l’étranger. L’autre, un instrument pour la mobilisation de l’opposition démocratique, et surtout un refuge pour les revendications de types identitaires à cette époque. Réaliser une étude sur le football peut sembler a priori ne pas s’inscrire dans une démarche scientifique. Pourtant, au-delà du sport et du divertissement, le football est un fait social, dont l’analyse est essentielle à la compréhension des sociétés contemporaines. Il mérite de ce fait une attention particulière, notamment lorsque l’on s’intéresse à l’histoire de l’Espagne, laquelle est extrêmement révélatrice des enjeux socioculturels et politiques que revêt le football dans ce pays / This thesis analyzes the political and social function of football in Francoist Spain and during the democratic transition, focusing particularly on two clubs: Real Madrid and FC Barcelona. One is considered the best ambassador of Spain abroad. And the other is an instrument for the mobilization of the democratic opposition, and above all a hub for ethno-social identity related claims at that time. A study about football may at first seem to not to belong within the scientific approach. Yet, beyond sport and entertainment, football is a social phenomenon, the analysis of which is essential to the understanding of contemporary societies. It deserves attention, especially when one is interested in the history of Spain, which is extremely revealing of the socio-cultural and political stakes that football has in this country

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-07-28Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:04:20Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 fiuza_aaf_dr_assis.pdf: 1161946 bytes, checksum: 9f341e2fae5b39fbe336c8d5ff5e40f8 (MD5) / Este estudo propõe-se a investigar, em uma perspectiva comparatista, como ocorre a releitura da história e a retomada da memória esquecida da Espanha franquista, por meio do discurso da ficção. Tendo como corpus os romances Galíndez (1990) e Autobiografía del general Franco (1992) do escritor Manuel Vázquez Montalbán, a pesquisa enfatiza o estudo da metaficção historiográfica e o papel de relevância destas obras, como modelo estético para outras narrativas que surgiriam, posteriormente, no campo da literatura espanhola e que também abordariam a temática da Guerra Civil e do franquismo. A tese indaga sobre como estas narrativas históricas se inserem no contexto de uma estética da Pós-Modernidade, sem, no entanto, deixar que a relativização da história amenize os horrores da violência, da repressão e do abuso de poder presentes nas ditaduras trujillista e franquista. Portanto, apesar destas narrativas de Manuel Vázquez Montalbán se construírem com os recursos estéticos característicos da metaficção historiográfica, como a metaficção, a paródia, o pastiche, a ironia, as relações intertextuais e a autorreflexividade, não abandonam o caráter de reivindicação por uma estética da ética e de uma história não oficial das ditaduras / This study investigates, in a comparative perspective, the process of rereading history and reviving the forgotten memory of Francoist Spain by the fictional discourse. Based on the novels Galíndez (1990) and Autobiografía del general Franco (1992) by Manuel Vázquez Montalbán, this research highlights the study of the historiographic metafiction and the role played by these works as aesthetic models for other narratives which would later arise in the Spanish literature, and which would also address the subject of the Spanish Civil War and the Francoism. This study investigates how these historical narratives arise in the context of an aesthetics of Postmodernity, without, however, letting the relativization of history fade the horrors of violence, repression and abuse of power seen in Trujillo‟s and Franco‟s dictatorial governments. Therefore, although these narratives by Manuel Vázquez Montalbán incorporate the typical aesthetic resources of historiographic metafiction, such as metafiction, parody, pastiche, irony, intertextuality and self-reflexivity, they do not abandon the characteristic of claiming for an aesthetics of ethics and an unofficial history of the dictatorships