MSc(Med), Epidemiology and Biostatistics, Faculty of Health Sciences, 2009 / Background: Soul City Institute for Health and Development Communication (SC IHDC), a Non Governmental Organisation (NGO) set up to promote health through media tackled cervical cancer in 2006. The Soul City cervical cancer educational programme was developed and broadcasted on South African Broadcasting Cooperation (SABC1) television and radio stations across the country. This paper assesses the relationship between exposure to educational programme and knowledge and practise of South African women on cervical cancer. Objective: To investigate if there is an association between exposure to Soul City educational programme on cervical cancer and knowledge and practice of South African women in relation to cervical cancer. Methods: An analytical cross sectional study design was employed. Secondary data from a Soul City study was used and all South African women aged 16 – 65 years who enrolled into the 2006 leg of the study were included. The data was analysed using Stata 9 utilising logistic regression models. Results: There were 1013 women aged between 16 and 65 years in this study and the average age was 35 years. Most women lived in metropolitan areas (53%), were employed (41%), had secondary education (74%) and had knowledge about cervical cancer and Pap smear (>50%). Lack of knowledge about cervical cancer and Pap smear was observed amongst rural residents (>60%), illiterate women (>54%), and Black South African women (>54%). Generally, participation in cervical screening was low among these women. The iv majority of women had never been screened for cervical cancer in the past (49%) as well as in the previous 12 months (79%). However, a higher proportion of women aged 30 years and above had been for cervical screening test in the past (59%). Although many women aged 30 years and above had been screened sometime in the past, more than three quarters of them were not screened in the last 12 months. Low uptake of Pap smear in 2006 was observed amongst rural residents (6%), older women (9%), illiterate (4%), Coloured (20%) and Black (20%) South African women. Overall knowledge about cervical cancer and Pap smear was associated with exposure to Soul City educational programme on cervical cancer through different media more especially television. Women who watched Soul City on television were more likely to have knowledge about cervical cancer (OR = 1.97, and 95% CI = (1.12; 3.47)) and Pap smear (OR = 2.08, and 95% CI = (1.24; 3.47)) than those who did not watch the programme. Participation of women aged 30 years and above in cervical cancer screening in 2006 was not associated with exposure to the Soul City educational programme. Conclusion: The study findings suggest that Soul City educational programme is associated with knowledge about cervical cancer and Pap smear. There was no evidence that exposure to Soul City educational programme was associated with participation in cervical cancer screening in 2006.

Black South African (SA) women are disproportionally affected by obesity and insulin resistance, which have been associated with depot-specific alterations in adipose tissue function. This thesis aimed to evaluate the differences in fatty acid (FA) composition and gene expression between abdominal (aSAT) and gluteal subcutaneous adipose tissue (gSAT), and the changes in response to exercise training in relation to body composition, hepatic fat, inflammatory and oxidative stress markers, and insulin sensitivity (SI) in obese black SA women. This research evaluated the i) FA composition of aSAT and gSAT, and red blood cell total phospholipids (RBC-TPL) and their associations with body composition, hepatic fat and SI, ii) changes in these FA profiles in response to exercise training and the relationship with changes in systemic inflammation, hepatic fat and SI; iii) effects of exercise training on systemic markers and SAT gene expression of inflammation and oxidative stress; and iv) regional differences in transcriptome profiles of aSAT and gSAT pre- and post-exercise training. Forty-five IsiXhosa women (30-40kg/m2 , 20-35 years) were randomized into control (n=22) or exercise groups (n=23; 12-week aerobic-resistance training, 40-60 min/session, 4 days/week). Pre and postintervention measurements included: anthropometry, body composition, cardiorespiratory fitness, dietary intake, SI, hepatic fat, systemic markers and SAT gene expression of adipokines, inflammation and oxidative stress, RBC-TPL and SAT fatty acids profiles, and untargeted SAT gene expression analyses. The main findings showed differences in the circulating (RBC-TPL) and stored (SAT) FA composition, which reflected in different associations between these FA profiles and SI. Moreover, the changes in FA composition in response to exercise training were depot-specific, with the changes in RBC-TPL correlating with a decrease in systemic inflammation and hepatic fat. Exercise training alleviated systemic oxidative stress and induced increased gSAT inflammatory genes, reflecting SAT remodelling. These changes coincided with a reduction in gynoid fat and were not associated with increased SI. Furthermore, there were unique depot-specific gene expression signatures relating to embryonic development at baseline and more diverse functional-related processes at post-training. This generated novel candidate genes potentially implicated in the relationship between body fat distribution and metabolic status in obese black SA women.

Introduction: Epidemiological studies suggest that at least 1 in 29 South African women will be diagnosed with breast cancer in their lifetime. Breast cancer is not a single disease. The heterogeneity of breast cancer results in four distinct molecular subtypes including aggressive human epidermal growth factor receptor-2 (Her-2) positive, where Her-2 receptors are overexpressed. Trastuzumab (Herceptin®), is a recombinant, humanized, anti-Her-2 monoclonal antibody that specifically targets subdomain IV of the extracellular domain of the Her-2 receptor and has dramatically altered the prognosis of Her-2 positive breast cancer. Trastuzumab is, however, associated with problems such as primary and acquired resistance, which has prompted investigation into improving its efficacy. Aim: To investigate the ability of selected therapeutic agents to alter in-vitro cell viability, cell cycling, apoptosis and Her-2 expression in models of Her-2-positive and oestrogen receptor positive, Her-2 negative breast adenocarcinoma and bring about an alteration in the efficacy of trastuzumab. Methods: MCF-7 cells which retain the ability to process oestrogen, and SK-Br-3 cells which overexpress Her-2 gene products were used. Cells were exposed to trastuzumab, aspirin, calcipotriol, doxorubicin, epidermal growth factor (EGF-human), geldanamycin, heregulin-β1 and β-oestradiol as single agents and in combination with trastuzumab. Research methodologies included tetrazolium conversion assay for cell viability, AMC-substrate cleavage and annexin-V for apoptosis, propidium iodide staining for cell cycle analysis and anti-Her-2 affibody molecule for relative Her-2 receptor density. Results: Cell survival of 95.39% (±2.69) for MCF-7 cells and 74.17% (±1.60) for SK-Br-3 cells was observed following trastuzumab (100 μg/ml) exposure. Trastuzumab resulted in statistically significant G1 phase accumulation in MCF-7 cells at 72 hours and in SK-Br-3 cells from 24 hours. Furthermore, trastuzumab decreased relative Her-2 receptor density in SK-Br-3 cells by approximately 35% by 24 hours but had no effect in MCF-7 cells. The anti-proliferative effects of trastuzumab were abrogated by EGF, a Her-1 ligand and heregulin-β1, a Her-3 and Her-4 ligand. Most agents altered distribution throughout the phases of cell cycle to a certain degree, with the G1 phase accumulation observed for trastuzumab being potentiated in some combinations. Most of the agents, with the exception of doxorubicin and geldanamycin, did not promote apoptosis and appeared instead to be anti-proliferative. Geldanamycin had the greatest effect on Her-2 receptor density (approximately 80% by 24 hours) followed by EGF, heregulin and trastuzumab, with the biological molecules in combination with trastuzumab producing a further significant reduction. Conclusion: Endogenous Her-receptor ligands (EGF and heregulin) differentially altered the viability parameters for trastuzumab which could play a role in the emergence of clinical resistance to targeted therapy. Doxorubicin with concurrent trastuzumab significantly reduced cell viability compared to each single agent in both cell lines. Furthermore, the cytostatic and cytotoxic abilities of each of the other agents either mimicked trastuzumab alone or the selected agent alone when exposed concurrently. / Dissertation (MSc)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2014 / Pharmacology / Unrestricted

The aim of this thesis was to explore the experiences of black, married, working, South African women in relation to financial decision-making processes within private households from a working-woman’s perspective. The focus was on married women in middle and senior management positions in their workplaces. Following a literature review to accumulate empirical evidence from similar studies in the areas of Economics, Sociology, Psychology, Feminism and Economic Psychology, eight, individual, semi-structured interviews were conducted with black South African women in managerial positions to establish the women’s understanding of the meaning of money, concepts and practices of sharing of monetary resources between husband and wife in the household, the allocation of money as a resource in the household, control of money between husband and wife in the household, and decision-making processes between husband and wives. The key findings of the study were: · The diverse construction of the meaning of money. Women’s views on money had an impact on how they viewed their roles in household financial management and decision-making. · The absence of equal sharing of money and the existence of breadwinning/caregiver ideologies. Three patterns of money management were identified. Joint pooling, where equality of sharing, control and decision-making was greatest, was associated with higher income levels and availability of personal spending money. The female whole wage system, with minimal control and joint decision-making, was associated only with women with high-level income and minimal personal spending money. The independent managed system was associated with completely separate money management, unequal sharing of money, increased power, inequality in decision-making, and increased personal spending money by the breadwinner. · The pattern of financial allocation adopted had an influence on control and decision-making in the household. In all the systems of financial allocation adopted, women indicated that their partners had a final say in the financial decision-making processes. The study highlights some policy implications of inequality in financial decision-making. Due to the fact that household based analysis assumes that financial decision-making is shared equally in the households, women and children will most of the time lose out when this is not the case. It was therefore recommended that a deeper understanding of household decision-making may help the policy makers and researchers alike to focus on women in a more effective way, for example, by designing empowering programmes that will assist women to be involved in the financial planning and decision making in their households. / Dissertation (MA (Research Psychology))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Psychology / unrestricted

Magister Psychologiae - MPsych / Throughout recorded history, women have resorted to abortion to terminate unwanted pregnancies, despite religious and legal sanctions, and frequently at significant personal risk. Abortion is, therefore, one of the oldest and at the same time most controversial of approaches to fertility control. More than most procedures, abortion is embedded in a social context that has implications for psychological responses of women. However, whilst South Africa's restrictive abortion legislation has come to the forefront of public scrutiny in recent years, research on the psychological aspects of induced abortion among black South African women has received minimal attention from social science researchers. This consideration requires redress since South Africa's abortion policy has undoubtedly had an impact on black women's mental health. Although unwanted pregnancy and the decision to abort are frequently perceived as stressful, evidence to date suggests that women do not experience severe negative reactions to abortion. Nevertheless, research has shown that some women do experience negative reactions following abortion. The responses of these women, placed within the context of the large numbers of black women who procure abortions and the immense social significance of the issue, point to a need to identify those women who are at risk for experiencing difficulties after abortion. This thesis, therefore, aimed to explore women's interpretations of the factors that influence short-term post-abortion adjustment. Five women who had procured illegal abortions were interviewed. A thematic analysis was utilised to explore participants' accounts of their abortion experiences. Furthermore, the present inquiry attempted to identify, through participants' discourses, psycho-social factors that may serve as 'risk factors' for poor post-abortion adjustment. The findings revealed that the abortion experience varies in the amount and type of stress it engenders for women. The manner in which these women responded to the procedure was found to be a joint function of their psychological state and of the social milieu in which the abortion occurred. Participants' post-abortion adjustment was found to be significantly influenced by the extent to which they experienced decision difficulty, the nature of the social environment surrounding the abortion process and individual coping responses. Thus, the findings of the study accentuate the need for counselling interventions designed to facilitate adjustment to abortion. These issues are likely to become of increased importance as the South African government deliberates on its public policy on abortion.

In South Africa, a representative anthropometric study of South African women has never been undertaken, as such little is known about the body shapes of South African women. Nevertheless, research on the body shapes of South African women is ongoing (Makhanya, 2012). According to the preliminary findings of Makhanya’s (2012) research, 59.26% of South African female students of African descent have a triangular body shape. The triangular body shape differs from the ideal body shape that ready-to-wear apparel sizing is presently based on, and is a contributing factor to the problems experienced with the quality of fit of ready-to-wear apparel by South African women of African descent. Therefore, the aim of this exploratory study was to develop experimental size specifications for the body measurements required for a basic sheath dress for South African female students of African descent with a triangular body shape. The students were of medium height, aged between 18 and 25 years, in the size 6/30 to size 14/38 size range, and enrolled at the University of Pretoria. The experimental size specifications were developed by statistically analysing an anthropometric database of female students of the University of Pretoria using regression analysis. Thereafter, the quality of fit attained from the experimental size specifications and the traditional (i.e. current) size specifications was evaluated to determine whether the experimental size specifications offer the unit of analysis with improved overall quality of fit. A panel of professionals with experience in apparel fit evaluation evaluated the quality of fit of the test garments. The test garments developed from the experimental size specifications were considered by the panel of professionals to offer the unit of analysis with improved overall quality of fit. The findings of the study suggest that South African ready-to-wear apparel sizing needs to accommodate the different body shapes found in South Africa. / Dissertation (MConsumer Science)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / gm2014 / Consumer Science / unrestricted

I aim to showcase post-African female identity through the exhibition, The princess in the veld. The exhibition displays selected works produced by South African women artists, underpinned by the proposed curatorial framework. This curatorial approach is feminist, and may allow for a liminal reading of local female identity. I premise my theorised curatorial framework liminally, in-between binary oppositions. This position allows for a feminist position and/or reading of female identities that simultaneously allude to, and reject a so-called local (essentialised) women’s art production within the ambit of global, Western dominated feminism. I argue that, for such a display to be successful, an alternative curatorial space is needed. For this purpose, I introduce the notion of heterotopia, a counter-space, to renegotiate binaries and to render identity formations temporarily in-between prevailing norms. This heterotopic counter-curatorial space is realised through an exhibition that employs the medium of video, rather than conventional exhibition media installed in real space. An exploration of specified key local and international survey exhibitions foregrounding women’s concerns from the 1980s onwards, serves to inform my theorised curatorial framework. The research embarks on an investigation of a recent large-scale exhibition hosted in France, to gain an understanding of the pitfalls prevalent in curating an exhibition of artwork produced by women. From a feminist standpoint, I critically analyse this display to suggest more inclusive alternative curatorial strategies to shift the conventionally Western approach followed by this curator. The revisionist, feminist, re-reading of certain South African curated exhibitions from both the apartheid and post-apartheid periods proposes a feminist trajectory that follows the shaping of local women’s identities, which remain deeply inscribed in this country’s politics and histories. This section of the survey underlines local post- African female identity as liminal and in flux, through the investigation of seminal exhibitions and artworks produced by South African women. I argue that this liminal account allows for an inclusive and extended understanding of women, while explicating the South African multicultural dispensation wherein the post-African woman operates. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2017. / National Research Foundation / University of Pretoria / Visual Arts / DPhil / Unrestricted

M.A. / The study purports to trace and analyse how African women used local structures in the 1950's and 1960's to seek redress against the policies of racial segregation. This study intends showing how African women have piloted local organisations during the period under review, how they resisted all attempts by the local municipal council to have women removed from the location and how women rejected the authority of the local boards. Protest movements and organisations, and the type of political activity women engaged in before the 1950's, have been largely ignored by the few writers who have considered the matter at all. This has resulted in the assumption that there were no women's activities prior to 1950. C. Kros wrote: "...(that) there is a general assumption that until the 1950's women were passive and took a back seat in all spheres except forone or two outbursts of activity, like for instance the resistance against the passes in the Free State in 1913." 3 The study purports to dispel the myth that African women were inactive prior to 1950: This study shows that the emergence of the squatter settlement in the late 1940's was spearheaded by African women who had nowhere to settle, except by pitching up shacks. By early 1940 urban workers found it increasingly difficult to obtain suitably priced residential accommodation as no new houses were built. The study will analyse how Sofasonke Mpanza, a member of the Orlando Advisory Board and the leader of the Sofasonke Mpanza Party, was able to win adherents to his party, the majority of whom were women and why African women in Orlando defied the Municipal Council's regulations and pitched up "shelters" which came to be known as the "Shanty Town".

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The core question that is addressed by this research is whether, and to what extent South African women’s NGOs contribute to enhancing state feminism through their ability to articulate and mobilise the strategic interests of women at grassroots level to appear on the national agenda, through the channels provided by the National Gender Machinery (structures of the state). A literature review was conducted that draws on the work of predominantly feminist authors in order to locate this research in previous scholarly knowledge that is relevant to the purpose of this study. The literature review includes elaboration of concepts like state feminism, women’s interests, agenda setting, civil society, and linkages between the women’s movement and the National Gender Machinery (NGM). A theoretical framework developed by Stetson and Mazur (1995), which aims at measuring whether gender machineries facilitate an increase in gender equality within the state, is used. The framework utilises two dimensions in order to investigate the level of state feminism within a country, i.e. state capacity, which investigates to what extent gender machineries influence and inform policy that is feminist and gender friendly; and state-society relations, which investigates the extent to which gender machineries provide opportunities for organised civil society actors (women’s organisations) to engage and access policy making and contribute to policy influence. In order to examine the levels of state capacity present in South Africa with regard to gender equality, current patterns of politics (a concept used by Stetson and Mazur) are considered. This is done in order to evaluate whether the political context is conducive to the passing and implementation of policy that is of a feminist nature. A qualitative study of the experience of four South African women’s NGOs, using face-to-face interviews specially designed for this purpose, was undertaken. The NGOs were interviewed in order to ascertain the status of state-society linkages, and whether the state provides access to civil society actors to inform policy making and implementation from a gender-friendly perspective that is reflective of grassroots women’s interests. The NGOs interviewed are the New Women’s Movement (NWM), the Women’s Legal Centre, the Black Sash and the International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). The findings of the fieldwork are analysed according to the framework of Stetson and Mazur (1995) in order to formulate a response to the research question. Findings include the presence of state capacity that is hostile to gender issues, with minimal (unreceptive) efforts to engage society actors in a flourishing state-society relationship. The provision of unreceptive and inconsistent space provided by the state, the lack of commitment to gender by women working within the state, and the state of “decline” that many South African NGOs are facing, have led to a “blockage” in the articulation of gender issues by NGOs that emanates from grassroots level to inform policy making, and contributes to the institutionalisation of state feminism. The national levels have therefore been largely out of touch with the interests of women at grassroots level as a result of minimal engagement and communication through the (dysfunctional) NGM. The state has spoken on behalf of, and decided on behalf of, women what is best for them and their livelihoods. Instead of being a gateway to the institutionalisation of state feminism, the state has acted as a patriarchal entity and has, to a very large extent, further entrenched gender inequality and the hardships faced by ordinary South African women at grassroots level. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die kernvraag wat deur hierdie navorsing aangespreek word is of, en tot watter mate, Suid-Afrikaanse vroue se nie-regeringsorganisasies (NRO’s) bydra tot die verbreding van staatsfeminisme deur hul vermoë om die strategiese belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak te artikuleer sodat dit op die nasionale agenda deur die kanale wat deur die Nasionale Gender Masjinerie (NGM) (strukture in die staat) verskaf word, verskyn. ’n Literatuurstudie, wat die werk van hoofsaaklik feministiese outeurs aanhaal, is onderneem om hierdie navorsing binne vorige akademiese kennis wat relevant is tot die doel van hierdie studie, te plaas. Dit sluit bespreking van konsepte soos staatsfeminisme, vrouebelange, agenda-skepping, burgerlike samelewing, en verhoudings tussen die vrouebeweging en die NGM in. ’n Teoretiese raamwerk wat deur Stetson en Mazur (1995) ontwikkel is, wat ten doel het om vas te stel of gendermasjinerie ’n toename in geslagsgelykheid binne die staat fasiliteer, word gebruik. Die raamwerk gebruik twee dimensies om die vlak van staatsfeminisme in ’n land te ondersoek, naamlik staatskapsiteit, wat ondersoek tot watter mate gendermasjinerie beleid wat feministies en gender-vriendelik is, beïnvloed en inlig; en staat-samelewing verhoudinge, wat ondersoek instel na die mate waartoe gendermasjinerie geleenthede bied vir akteurs vanuit die georganiseerde burgerlike samelewing om toegang te kry tot en deel te neem aan die beleidmakings- en -implementeringsproses. Om die vlakke van staatskapasiteit t.o.v. geslagsgelykheid in Suid-Afrika te ontleed, word kontemporêre politieke patrone (’n konsep wat deur Stetson en Mazur gebruik word) gebruik. Dit word gedoen om vas te stel of die politieke konteks gunstig is vir die goedkeuring en implementering van beleid van ’n feministiese aard. ’n Kwalitatiewe studie van die ervaring van vier Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s met behulp van aangesig-tot-aangesig onderhoude wat spesiaal vir hierdie doel ontwerp is, is onderneem. Die onderhoude is met die NRO’s gevoer om die status van staat-samelewing verhoudings vas te stel, en om te bepaal of die staat toegang verleen aan akteurs vanuit die burgerlike samelewing om beleidmakings- en -implementeringsprosesse vanuit ’n gender-vriendelike perspektief, wat die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak reflekteer, te informeer. Die NRO’s waarmee onderhoude gevoer is, is die New Women’s Movement (NWM), die Women’s Legal Centre, die Black Sash en die International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). Die bevindinge is volgens die raamwerk van Stetson en Mazur (1995) geanaliseer ten einde ’n antwoord op die navorsingsvraag te bied. Die bevindinge sluit in die aanwesigheid van staatskapasiteit wat vyandig gesind is teenoor gendersake, met minimale (nie-ontvanklike) pogings om akteurs vanuit die samelewing betrokke te kry in ’n florerende staat-samelewing verhouding. Die voorsiening van ’n nie-ontvanklike en nie-konsekwente ruimte deur die staat, die gebrek aan toewyding tot gendersake deur vroue wat binne die staat werk, en die toestand van agteruitgang wat baie Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s in die gesig staar, het gelei tot ’n “blokkasie” in die artikulering van gendersake deur NRO’s, wat hul oorsprong het vanaf die voetsoolvlak om beleidmaking te informeer, en by te dra tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme. Die nasionale vlak is dus baie uit voeling met die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak a.g.v. minimale betrokkenheid en kommunikasie deur die (disfunksionele) NGM. Die staat praat en besluit namens vroue oor wat die beste vir hulle en hul bestaanswyses is. In stede van ’n poort te wees tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme, tree die staat op as ’n patriargale entiteit en dra dit grootliks daartoe by om gender-ongelykheid en die swaarkry van gewone Suid-Afrikaanse vroue op voetsoolvlak verder te verskans.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The study outlines five areas of intervention in the development of women studies and politics on the continent. Firstly, it examines the problematic construction and the inclusion of women in the narratives of the liberation struggle in South Africa. Secondly, the study identifies the sphere of intellectual debates as one of the crucial sites in the production of historical knowledge about the legacies of liberation struggles on the continent. Thirdly, it traces the intellectual trajectory of Charlotte Maxeke as an embodiment of the intellectual contributions of women in the struggle for liberation in South Africa. In this regard, the study traces Charlotte Maxeke as she deliberated and engaged on matters pertaining to the welfare of the Africans alongside the prominent intellectuals of the twentieth century. Fourthly, the study inaugurates a theoretical departure from the documentary trends that define contemporary studies on women and liberation movements on the continent. Fifthly, the study examines the incorporation of Maxeke's legacy of active intellectual engagement as an integral part of gender politics in the activities of the Women's Section of the African National Congress. In the areas identified, the study engages with the significance of the intellectual inputs of Charlotte Maxeke in South African history. / South Africa