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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

澄海話虛指代詞"伊"的語法分析. / Chenghai hua xu zhi dai ci "yi" de yu fa fen xi.

January 2014 (has links)
文章討論了潮汕澄海話虛指的第三人稱"伊"的語法特點并進行澄海話、普通話和粤語蒙受結構的對比分析。第一部分描寫了澄海話三種虛指代詞"伊"的相關結構──"乞伊"結構、"佮伊"結構和"V伊R"結構的語法特點。"乞伊"結構和"佮伊"結構各可分為A、B兩類,兩種結構內部分別在動詞的選擇、"伊"的所指和"乞/佮"的隱現上表現出不同。兩種結構之間的主要差別則在於主語的題元角色及"乞/佮"的句法位置高低上。"V伊R"結構是"佮伊"結構的一種條件變體,主要用於表達祈使等語氣。 / 文章第二部分分析了澄海話三種蒙受結構的生成機制。并進一步概括出"伊"的種類:從所指對象題元角色的角度可以分為兩類,一是施事或致事、二是蒙事;從所指對象位置的角度也可以分為兩類,一是所指在句中,二是所指在句外。以及"伊"的句法位置:一是,位於"中間層次";二是,緊鄰輕動詞。 / 文章第三部分嘗試以澄海話蒙受結構的分析方法為角度和基礎,分別分析普通話蒙受結構"V他O"和粤語蒙受結構"VR佢"。通過三種方言蒙受結構的對比分析,我們看到三種方言類型上的不同,也驗證了劉丹青(2001)、鄧思穎(2006)的分析:澄海閩南話是"最弱的SVO",動詞傾向於留在原地;粤語是"最強的SVO",動詞傾向於長距離移位;普通話是"溫和的SVO",動詞移位但距離不長。 / This thesis discusses the syntax of the Chinese non-referential pronoun 伊 yi ‘it’ in Chenghai Southern Min in three different affective constructions: keyi 乞伊 construction, kaiyi 佮伊 construction and V伊R construction. After examining the syntactic and semantic properties of these three yi affective constructions, we figure out that firstly there are two types of keyi 乞伊 construction and two types kaiyi 佮伊 construction. Secondly keyi 乞伊 construction differs from kaiyi 佮伊 construction in theta-roles of the subject and the position of yi. Thirdly V伊R construction is a conditioned variant of keyi 乞伊 construction. The following part we explore the hierarchical order of these three yi affective constructions, and we employ high and middle applicatives to capture their syntactic and semantic idiosyncrasies. In this part yi is classified into two ways according to the property of the object it refers to. For example, in keyi 乞伊 construction, yi always refers to a causer or a agent, and in kaiyi 佮伊 construction, yi refers to an affectee. In both constructions, yi is situated in a middle position which close to light verbs. The last part of this paper compare the affective constructions of Chenghai Southern Min with affective constructions of Mandarin and Cantonese. The main differences among these three dialects match with the claim proposed by Liu(2001) and Tang(2006): Chenghai Southern Min is the weakest SVO construction in which verbs prefer to stay in situ; Cantonese is the strongest SVO construction in which verbs prefer to take long-distance movement; Mandarin is the moderate SVO construction in which verbs will move but won’t move far. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 金佳. / Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 87-93). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Jin Jia.
2

潮州方言一百多年來語音演變的研究. / Phonological changes in Chaozhou dialect: from mid-19th to early 21st century / Chaozhou fang yan yi bai duo nian lai yu yin yan bian de yan jiu.

January 2012 (has links)
19世紀英美傳教士為佈教需要,在粤東潮汕地區留下了許多記錄當地方言的材料。這些材料採用字母記音,著重記錄當時當地口語情況,彌補了傳統韻書只記音類不標實際發音的缺陷,是考察19世紀音系、研究語音歷時演變的重要資源。本文旨在考察11本粤東潮汕地區傳教士語料,構建19世紀潮汕地區方言音系的同時,運用歷時比較的方法,分析一百多年來方言語音演變現象,探索其中的機制和規律,並以歷時音變研究成果為基礎,考察與傳教士語料年代相近的方言韻書及與其相關的研究。 / 本文首先通過考察傳教士語料的編寫說明、音值符號和記音地點,用窮盡式語料檢索方法,描寫、比較各語料音系,構建19世紀潮汕地區方言音系,確定19世紀傳教士語料音系,是以潮州府城(今天潮州市區)方言為主,夾雜汕頭、澄海音系特點的事實。之後,論文通過考察潮州方言輔音韻尾在一百多年來的演變,明確了輔音韻尾演變的兩種類型,並為這種演變找到起始音類,同時為聲化韻ŋ找到了演變路徑。研究又以文白異讀現象及其歷時演變為考察對象,總結了文白異讀的演變趨勢和規律,並釐清了同一音值不同層次分屬、「去鼻化音變」作用下的層次性差異、遇攝字ou韻母存古屬性、潮州方言陽聲韻攝vN類韻母白讀層特徵、陽聲韻鼻化元音來自鼻音尾等問題,並藉-m/-p韻尾演變模式,豐富、拓展了「鼻音、塞音韻尾演變階段」理論。最後,藉上述研究成果,我們檢驗以往學者對《韓江聞見錄》、《潮聲十五音》、《潮語十五音》和《擊木知音》的研究情況,梳理了這些材料的音類分合和歸屬特徵。 / 採用歷時比較、邏輯推理與文獻互證相結合的研究方法,並藉科學的量化統計模式,我們從多角度考量傳教士語料,對一百多年來潮州方言語音演變現象作有效的探索和考究。 / In the 19th Century, in order to assist the missionary work, many Anglo-American Christian missionaries published dialect records of Chaoshan area. These records are Romanized dialect records reflecting colloquial pronunciations of Chaoshan dialects in the 19th Century, which were neglected by the traditional Chinese rhyme dictionaries. They are very important resources for studying the diachronic change of language. This dissertation attempts to construct the phonological systems of Chaoshan dialects, analyze the patterns and rules of the diachronic change phenomena, and evaluate the research results of traditional Chinese rhyme dictionaries by investigating 11 kinds of dialect records published by missionaries.. / By comparing the differences of symbols in these dialect records, this dissertation constructs the phonological system of Chaoshan Dialects of the 19th Century and ascertains that it is a phonological system based on Chaozhou City dialect and mixed with some features of Shantou, Chenghai Dialects. And then the dissertation analyzes 2 patterns of coda change of Chaozhou Dialect, finding out the change trigger and the evolutionary process from “ŋ to “ŋ. Literary pronunciations and colloquial pronunciations (文白異讀) are also different between now and the 19th Century. The dissertation proposes the trends and patterns of these pronunciations, discusses the topics of “same sound, different stratums, “denasalization, and “the origin of ‘ou’, ’vN’, and ‘v’, and then examines the theory of coda changes with the “-m/-p evolution pattern. Based on the study, the dissertation evaluates the validity of the research of 4 documents of traditional Chinese rhyme dictionaries. / This dissertation synthesizes methods of diachronic comparison, logical judgment and textual studies, and scientific quantitative statistics. In so doing, it explores the dialect records in various aspects and summarizes patterns and rules of the phonological diachronic change of Chaozhou Dialect from Mid-19th to Early 21st Century. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 徐宇航. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 305-322) / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Xu Yuhang. / 論文提要 --- p.I / Chapter 第一章 --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- 潮汕地區方言研究綜述 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- 潮汕地區傳教士語料研究概況 --- p.4 / Chapter 1.3 --- 其他地區傳教士語料研究概況 --- p.5 / Chapter 1.4 --- 本文的研究材料、內容、方法與目的 --- p.9 / Chapter 1.4.1 --- 研究材料與內容 --- p.9 / Chapter 1.4.2 --- 研究方法 --- p.12 / Chapter 1.4.3 --- 研究意義 --- p.14 / Chapter 1.4.4 --- 研究目的 --- p.15 / Chapter 1.5 --- 總結 --- p.15 / Chapter 第二章 --- 傳教士語料概況 --- p.17 / Chapter 2.1 --- 語料及語料作者的簡介 --- p.17 / Chapter 2.2 --- 語料與語言點的對應關係 --- p.21 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- 語料編寫者對語料代表音系的介紹 --- p.22 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- 現代潮州、汕頭方言的語音差異 --- p.23 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- 潮州、汕頭地名的演變關係 --- p.26 / Chapter 2.3 --- 傳教士集中討論的語言學問題 --- p.28 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- 傳教士談廣東的方言及潮汕地區方言的內部差異 --- p.28 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- 潮汕地區方言在境外的使用情況 --- p.31 / Chapter 2.3.3 --- 傳教士談習得潮汕地區方言的方法 --- p.32 / Chapter 2.3.4 --- 潮汕地區方言之有音無字現象 --- p.33 / Chapter 2.3.5 --- 潮汕地區方言的異讀現象 --- p.34 / Chapter 2.3.6 --- 傳教士談潮汕地區方言詞彙的分類 --- p.40 / Chapter 2.4 --- 總結 --- p.44 / Chapter 第三章 --- 傳教士語料的符號與音系 --- p.45 / Chapter 3.1 --- 語料對潮汕地區方言音值與符號的討論 --- p.45 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- Dean1841的音值說明 --- p.45 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- Giles1877的音值說明 --- p.46 / Chapter 3.1.3 --- Fielde1878的音值說明 --- p.47 / Chapter 3.1.4 --- Fielde1883的音值說明 --- p.51 / Chapter 3.1.5 --- Duffus1883的音值說明 --- p.52 / Chapter 3.1.6 --- Ashmore1884的音值說明 --- p.55 / Chapter 3.1.7 --- Lim1886的音值說明 --- p.60 / Chapter 3.1.8 --- Gibson1886的音值說明 --- p.61 / Chapter 3.1.9 --- Steele1924的音值說明 --- p.66 / Chapter 3.2 --- 語料的符號與音系 --- p.68 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Dean1841的音系 --- p.68 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Giles1877的音系 --- p.74 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- Fielde1878的音系 --- p.79 / Chapter 3.2.4 --- Fielde1883的音系 --- p.84 / Chapter 3.2.5 --- Duffus1883的音系 --- p.87 / Chapter 3.2.6 --- Ashmore1884的音系 --- p.90 / Chapter 3.2.7 --- Lim1886的音系 --- p.93 / Chapter 3.2.8 --- Gibson1886的音系 --- p.96 / Chapter 3.2.9 --- Matthew 1889、Genesis 1896的音系 --- p.99 / Chapter 3.2.10 --- Steele 1924的音系 --- p.104 / Chapter 3.3 --- 19世紀潮汕地區方言音系的構建 --- p.107 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- 聲母的符號與音值 --- p.108 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- 韻母的符號與音值 --- p.114 / Chapter 3.3.3 --- 聲調的符號與調值 --- p.124 / Chapter 3.3.4 --- 潮汕地區方言音系的構建 --- p.126 / Chapter 3.4 --- 總結 --- p.128 / Chapter 第四章 --- 潮州方言輔音韻尾演變類型分析 --- p.130 / Chapter 4.1 --- 潮州方言輔音韻尾研究概況 --- p.130 / Chapter 4.2 --- 輔音韻尾類型A的演變特點 --- p.132 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- 山、臻攝字的-n-ŋ/-t-k演變 --- p.133 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- 非山、臻攝字的-n-ŋ/-t-k演變 --- p.137 / Chapter 4.3 --- 類型B的演變特點 --- p.141 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- 19世紀uan/uat類韻母與今天潮州方言uaŋ/uak類韻母的關係 --- p.141 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- uan/uat類韻母的演變次序與模式 --- p.144 / Chapter 4.4 --- 類型C的演變特點 --- p.145 / Chapter 4.4.1 --- ŋ類韻母在19世紀和今天的分佈 --- p.145 / Chapter 4.4.2 --- ŋ類韻母的來源與演變 --- p.150 / Chapter 4.4.3 --- 19世紀語料ŋ類讀音記錄的異同 --- p.153 / Chapter 4.5 --- 潮州方言一百多年來輔音韻尾演變類型的關係 --- p.155 / Chapter 4.6 --- 總結 --- p.157 / Chapter 第五章 --- 潮州方言文白異讀現象及其演變分析 --- p.158 / Chapter 5.1 --- 潮州(潮汕)方言異讀現象的研究概況 --- p.158 / Chapter 5.2. --- 概念的釐清與研究方法的確定 --- p.160 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- 概念的釐清 --- p.160 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- 研究方式的確定 --- p.162 / Chapter 5.2.3 --- 文白異讀判斷原則的確定 --- p.163 / Chapter 5.3 --- 潮州方言聲調的文白異讀現象與變化 --- p.164 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- 全清、次清聲母字聲調文白異讀變化分析 --- p.167 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- 次濁聲母字聲調文白異讀變化分析 --- p.168 / Chapter 5.3.3 --- 全濁聲母字聲調文白異讀變化分析 --- p.171 / Chapter 5.3.4 --- 潮州方言聲調文白異讀一百多年來的演變趨勢 --- p.173 / Chapter 5.4 --- 潮州方言聲母的文白異讀現象與變化 --- p.173 / Chapter 5.4.1 --- 全清聲母字的文白異讀情況 --- p.180 / Chapter 5.4.2 --- 次清聲母字的文白異讀情況 --- p.180 / Chapter 5.4.3 --- 全濁聲母字的文白異讀情況 --- p.181 / Chapter 5.4.4 --- 次濁聲母字的文白異讀情況 --- p.182 / Chapter 5.4.5 --- 潮州方言聲母文白異讀一百多年來的演變趨勢 --- p.195 / Chapter 5.5 --- 潮州方言韻母的文白異讀現象與變化 --- p.195 / Chapter 5.5.1 --- 各攝韻母的異讀特點及其演變 --- p.195 / Chapter 5.5.2 --- 潮州方言韻母文白異讀一百多年來的演變趨勢 --- p.247 / Chapter 5.6 --- 潮州方言一百多年來異讀現象的演變趨勢與規律 --- p.248 / Chapter 5.6.1 --- 演變趨勢分析 --- p.248 / Chapter 5.6.2 --- 演變規律分析 --- p.250 / Chapter 5.7 --- 對Gibson 1886「正音」、「白音」之詮釋 --- p.251 / Chapter 5.8 --- 總結 --- p.254 / Chapter 第六章 --- 潮州方言非鼻音聲母陰聲韻字「鼻化元音增生」現象的思考 --- p.255 / Chapter 6.1 --- 「鼻化元音」現象研究概述 --- p.255 / Chapter 6.2 --- 傳教士語料中的非鼻音聲母陰聲韻字「鼻化元音增生」現象 --- p.256 / Chapter 6.3 --- 解釋非鼻音聲母陰聲韻字「鼻化元音增生」現象的三種觀點 --- p.257 / Chapter 6.3.1 --- 「音變條件」說 --- p.258 / Chapter 6.3.2 --- 「擴散演變」說 --- p.259 / Chapter 6.3.3 --- 「小稱作用」說 --- p.260 / Chapter 6.4 --- 總結 --- p.261 / Chapter 第七章 --- 與傳教士語料年代相近的方言韻書及其研究情況考察 --- p.262 / Chapter 7.1 --- 方言韻書及其研究概況 --- p.263 / Chapter 7.1.1 --- 潮汕地區方言韻書及相關資料 --- p.264 / Chapter 7.1.2 --- 韻書、方言材料的研究現狀 --- p.265 / Chapter 7.2 --- 《韓江聞見錄》語音記錄之討論 --- p.266 / Chapter 7.2.1 --- 李新魁據《韓江聞見錄》總結的清代潮州方言特點 --- p.267 / Chapter 7.2.2 --- 李新魁「二百年前潮州音特點」與傳教士語料研究結果之比較 --- p.268 / Chapter 7.3 --- 《潮聲十五音》、《潮語十五音》音系討論 --- p.269 / Chapter 7.3.1 --- 《潮聲十五音》、《潮語十五音》的音系 --- p.270 / Chapter 7.3.2 --- 兩本韻書音系的討論 --- p.271 / Chapter 7.4 --- 《擊木知音》音系討論 --- p.272 / Chapter 7.4.1 --- 三種《擊木知音》聲母、聲調構擬的比較 --- p.273 / Chapter 7.4.2 --- 三種《擊木知音》韻母構擬的比較 --- p.274 / Chapter 7.4.3 --- 《擊木知音》音系歸屬的討論 --- p.275 / Chapter 7.5 --- 總結 --- p.276 / Chapter 第八章 --- 結語 --- p.277 / Chapter 8.1 --- 內容與貢獻 --- p.278 / Chapter 8.2 --- 展望與期待 --- p.279 / 參考文獻 --- p.305

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