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M.A. (History) / In 1985 the world took renewed interest in the Soviet Union with the ascendency of its dynamic new leader Mikhail Gorbachev. His policies of glasnost and perestroika made an unprecedented impact within the Soviet Union and the Western world. As a result of all the attention Gorbachev's restructuring received, and the subsequent drama and disintegration of the Yeltsin "take-over", interest in the two leaders who preceded Gorbachev, i.e. Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko, waned considerably. Andropov and Chernenko, together with Brezhnev, were often perceived as a trio of ineffectual old men, endeavouring to keep together a tottering Soviet system. While this perception may be appropriate to Brezhnev in the latter decade of his rule, and to a lesser extent to Chernenko, it is not a justified evaluation of Yuri Andropov's leadership. While he came from the same dispensation and was a contemporary of theirs, he set out with determination and dedication to bring new life into the fossilized system he inherited from Brezhnev. Andropov was a highly intelligent and competent person who had a long and varied political career behind him when he became Secretary General. He had been a member of the CPSU for more than four decades and during this time he served as Komosomol leader, Ambassador, Secretary, Chief Ideologist and headed the KGB for 15 years. In each of these capacities he strived for excellence and conducted himself with integrity. (Dissidents who had dealings with him during his period in the KGB may be of a different opinion, however.) When Andropov took over from Brezhnev, the Soviet system did not correspond to his ideals of Socialism. Over the decades and especially during the last stagnant years of Brezhnev's rule, corruption had become rife in the Soviet Union and it appeared to be entrenched in every aspect of Soviet life. The situation was aggravated by the gigantic bureaucracy which was not in favour of change as it was well-entrenched and elitist. Resistance to change had had a paralyzing effect on all previous endeavours. However daunting the task seemed to be, Andropov set about fighting corruption on every level. Corruption went against the grain of his puritan personality and even more importantly, against his perception of the ideal Socialist system. It was often alleged that Andropov's anti-corruption campaign was merely a mechanism with which to eliminate opponents and attain power. There is some truth in this, but it was not his primary reason for trying to eradicate corruption. He did achieve power through eliminating corrupt officials, but even when he had reached the ultimate position, a sound administration remained a priority for him. Indeed, the fact that he was not selective in this process reflects his determination in this regard. Even very high officials, persons within the Kremlin and members of the Brezhnev family itself were not spared. He not only fought corruption but strived to upgrade social, and labour discipline in the Soviet system. A strict disciplinarian himself, he saw many of the negative aspects within the system reflected in the lives and attitudes of the Soviet citizens. This led him to try to install discipline as a way of life and he stressed a high work ethic. However,Andropov must not be perceived one-dimensionally as the ex-KGB chief using police methods on a civilian population. His chief priority in his internal policy was to rectify and improve the declining Soviet economy. The gross corruption that existed had a negative effect on the economy, so eradicating corruption was a prerequisite for economic recovery. As a staunch Marxist-Leninist, he believed that any economic reforms had to be brought about within the strict framework of Socialist principles. He never queried the validity or superiority of the Socialist system and he ascribed the economic ills not to the system itself but to the way it was functioning. He never deviated from Socialist principles and indeed repeatedly warned against the dangers of bringing about changes alien to the nature of Socialism. He was in favour of the centrally planned system but not of the rigidity and corruption that had become part of it. His ideal was for greater flexibility and greater participation with more input from worker, manager and minister. He believed each individual should take full responsibility for the aspect of production or service he was involved in. Only if the total creative force of the masses could be released could the system function as it was originally intended to. The pillars on which this could be achieved were greater democratization and decentralization.

This thesis examines the impact of Soviet anti-religious policies on the Muslims of Central Asia from 1917 to 1938. The long struggle of the Bolsheviks to come to the power, their attempts to perpetuate the Russian hegemony in Central Asia, and the reactions of the Central Asian people towards the new regime will all form part of this thesis. Having successfully brought about the revolution, the Bolsheviks faced many challenges. One the famous slogans of the revolution, recognition of each nationality's right of self determination, boomeranged on the Bolsheviks, with the European proletariat deserting from the path of the revolution and proclaiming their own independence. In this situation, the Bolsheviks endeavored to gain the support of the Muslims. The government made many promises to the Muslims but, at the same time, dissolved the Kokand government established by the Muslims, causing Muslium revolts throughout the Central Asian region. The Muslim threat was met with measures of appeasement. The government's promises succeeded in attracting the modernist Muslims to cooperate with the regime. A strategy of "divide and rule" and of indirect attacks on Islam was employed, aiming at the annihilation of Islam. Conservative Muslims continued to vehemently oppose the Soviet regime and its policies. But, given the success of the regime in the civil war, and the lack of unity and the strength among Muslims, the Soviet anti-religious policies in Central Asia succeeded at the institutional level, to do great damage to Islam. However, these policies proved ineffectual in destroying the influence of Islamic teachings on the Muslims of Central Asia.

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Nationalism, which we will attempt to define later, has been the stimulating force of European power-politics for the last century and a half; it is now in the process of sweeping the vast Asiatic continent, it has an exceedingly solid hold on the Latin republics in South and Central America, it has taken firm roots in the United States, it is being consciously and purposely developed and indoctrinated in Canada, it is not being forgotten in the Soviet Union - in short, it is still a dominant force throughout the world. Nationalism has played an important role in almost every war fought in the 19th and 20th centuries, it has found historical expression in the Treaty of Versailles, it is honoured by every wreath laid upon the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier - whether be it in Paris, Washington, or Warsaw. [...]

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Call number: LD2668 .T4 1979 B77 / Master of Arts

Chapter one began with an introduction to the concept of glasnost and the events surrounding the first four years of Mikhail Gorbachev's reign as General Secretary of the Soviet Union. This rhetorical study gained its thrust from an Aristotelian definition of rhetoric. The method proposed was one of Ernest Bormann's fantasy theme analysis. This study looked at mediated fantasy themes as they chained out in the Western media regarding the glasnost campaign.Chapter two presented the setting for the dramas of glasnost with a look at the history of Soviet leadership and the impact each General Secretary had on Soviet society. Chapter three examined the characters of glasnost. 9iographical information was presented on the players of the dramas. Finally, chapter four examined the media's rhetoric as it chained out the dramas of glasnost through Mikhail Corbachev and his battles with antagonists from the left, from the right, and from within. / Department of Speech Communication