Historians of the early space age have established a norm whereby President Eisenhower's actions are judged solely as a response to the launch of the Sputnik satellite, and are indicative of a passive, negative presidency. His low-key actions are seen merely as a prelude to the US triumph in space in the 1960s. This study presents an alternative view showing that Eisenhower’s space policy was not a reaction to the heavily-propagandised Soviet satellite launches, or even the effect they caused in the US political and military elites, but the continuation of a strategic track. In so doing, it also contributes to the reassessment of the wider Eisenhower presidency. Having assessed the development of three intersecting discourses: Eisenhower as president; the genesis of the US space programme; and developments in Cold War US reconnaissance, this thesis charts Eisenhower’s influence both on the ICBM and reconnaissance programmes and his support for a non-military approach to the International Geophysical Year. These actions provided the basis for his space policy for the remainder of his presidency. The following chapters show that Sputnik had no impact on the policies already in place and highlight Eisenhower’s pragmatic activism in enabling the implementation of these policies by a carefully-chosen group of expert ‘helping hands’. This study delivers a new interpretation of Eisenhower’s actions. It argues that he was operating on a parallel track that started with the Castle H-bomb tests; developed through the CIA's reconnaissance efforts and was distilled in the Aeronautics and Space Act of 1958. This set a policy for US involvement in outer space that matched Eisenhower’s desire for a balanced budget and fundamental belief in maintaining peace. By challenging the orthodox view, this paper shows that President Eisenhower’s space policy actions were strategic steps that provided a logical next step for both civilian and military space programmes at the completion of the International Geophysical Year.

Why are some high-technology sectors trans-nationally integrated while others are sites of interstate competition? This dissertation explores this question through a comparison of China-U.S. relations in two strategic, high-technology sectors: civil-commercial aircraft manufacture and civil-commercial spacecraft manufacture. Between 1989 and 2009, China-U.S. relations took strikingly different trajectories in these two sectors. In the aircraft sector, the two countries’ industries traded and integrated their activities and their civil agencies cooperated. By contrast, in the space sector, their industries did not trade or integrate, their civil agencies did not cooperate, and the two countries engaged in a form of technological competition. The divergent trajectories taken by China-United States relations in these two sectors are puzzling because both sectors present similar incentives and disincentives for both transnational integration and interstate competition. Theories of international relations do not fully explain this sectoral variation. This research indicates that this variation is traceable to underlying differences in how specialists in each sector, including technical and policy experts, implicitly reason about and represent technologies in general. In both countries, the air and space specialist communities each hold distinct understandings of the relationship between humans and technology. Performing representational practices that reflect these distinct assumptions, aeronautic and space specialists discursively constitute each sector and its technologies as distinct objects of policy, requiring different forms of state action. In air, these include policies adopted by both countries to enhance bilateral trade, industrial partnership, and technical cooperation. In space, these include measures to inhibit bilateral trade and cooperation while preparing for a coming bilateral confrontation.

Why are some high-technology sectors trans-nationally integrated while others are sites of interstate competition? This dissertation explores this question through a comparison of China-U.S. relations in two strategic, high-technology sectors: civil-commercial aircraft manufacture and civil-commercial spacecraft manufacture. Between 1989 and 2009, China-U.S. relations took strikingly different trajectories in these two sectors. In the aircraft sector, the two countries’ industries traded and integrated their activities and their civil agencies cooperated. By contrast, in the space sector, their industries did not trade or integrate, their civil agencies did not cooperate, and the two countries engaged in a form of technological competition. The divergent trajectories taken by China-United States relations in these two sectors are puzzling because both sectors present similar incentives and disincentives for both transnational integration and interstate competition. Theories of international relations do not fully explain this sectoral variation. This research indicates that this variation is traceable to underlying differences in how specialists in each sector, including technical and policy experts, implicitly reason about and represent technologies in general. In both countries, the air and space specialist communities each hold distinct understandings of the relationship between humans and technology. Performing representational practices that reflect these distinct assumptions, aeronautic and space specialists discursively constitute each sector and its technologies as distinct objects of policy, requiring different forms of state action. In air, these include policies adopted by both countries to enhance bilateral trade, industrial partnership, and technical cooperation. In space, these include measures to inhibit bilateral trade and cooperation while preparing for a coming bilateral confrontation.

This study investigates funding within the US human spaceflight program in the timeperiod from 2004 to 2012. The approach taken employed the “potential well” model from physical science. The potential well model constrains any physical body trapped within it, and similarly a political “funding well” will constrain all programmatic decision-making. Two potential well models are employed, one represents classical physics while the other represents quantum physics. Since each model results in motion with certain properties, it can be seen if funding decisions also exhibit similar properties. In physics, the bifurcation between the classical world of aggregate bodies and the quantum world of individual particles is an indicator of deeper physical principles. This study seeks to explore whether this bifurcation exists in the political world as well. If so, it would help explain space policy evolution from 2004 to 2012, and provide evidence concerning the usefulness of physical models for discovering further trends in social science, including political science. The study of a bifurcation in space policy political decision-making resulted in an unclear relationship since some properties were found to be similar to their physical counterpart, some were found to be different, and one property, the quantization of funding into discrete increments, was absent from political decision-making. Further studies are required to explore this bifurcation in greater detail. However, the potential well did prove to be a powerful model in explaining the evolution of human spaceflight policy in 2004 to 2012 as it provided a framework to explain dynamics that may have otherwise remained unclear

The main objective of this research paper is to provide a comparative analy i of the manned space programs of the great space powers; Russia, the United States and China, those nations that have successfully launched human beings into orbit and brought them back to Earth. As space operations have become more complex and costly, these nations have sought expanded cooperation with each other and the minor space powers of the European Union, Japan, and India; nations that can conduct umnaimed launches. Current manned space efforts are heavily invested in areas where cooperation is a key concern. The International Space Station program consists of seven international partners, and there is a renewed push to send unmanned probes to the moo~ in preparation for future sustained manned missions, with Japan and China having already placed probes in lunar orbit and the United States, Russia, and India following in the near future. Cooperation in space endeavors, much like in any area of international policy, has its own benefits and challenges that are unique to each participant and this comparative analysis will present the view of these benefits and challenges from the perspective of each of the great space powers. This research then evaluates each of the great space powers in terms of its potential for successful international cooperation. A country tends to view its manned space program either from a political perspective, stressing national security and international prestige; or from an economic perspective, stressing industry growth and profit generation. It is believed that a country with the economic view of its program is more open to international cooperation, whereas a country with the political view will be less inclined to work with partners.

The most pressing barriers between reality and the dream of the first African astronaut in space are a lack of resources, cooperation, and support. However, Nigeria presently suffers from the threat of famine, intercommunal violence, and population displacement as a result of terrorism and food insecurity. The reliance upon humanitarian aid from countries such as the United States and international NGOs creates a question of whether Nigeria should even be considering exploration of space. It can be said that any investment into space should instead be granted to displaced people, water and food security, and cracking down on terrorism. Why should a developing country go to space? And what benefits would human space flight provide to people struggling on earth? Economically, the benefits of sending an African into orbit reap effects such as a significant return in investment for the space sector of the continent. Socially, cultural and national pride, international respect, and historical reverence are certainly guaranteed by this accomplishment. There is always a risk in human space flight, be it political or economic investment. There is the risk that the country would be scrutinized for looking to the stars instead of to their own conflict-riddled soil. There is the risk that if a mission fails, money will be wasted and lives needlessly lost. There is a risk that success in the sky will be short-lived, or that political corruption may collapse the foundations of this venture. However, where there is risk, there is also opportunity. There is an opportunity to create stronger diplomatic relationships with other space-interested nations who seek to invest in Africa as a launching point for their own expeditions. There is an opportunity to begin an economic and cultural legacy of African-based space exploration, a legacy that provides secure jobs and education to African citizens and invites international investment and interest. And of course, there is opportunity to put the first African astronaut into space. Conclusively, the quickest and most cost-efficient method to launch an African astronaut into space is by international collaboration on a lunar mission, a space station, or low-earth orbit. This, however, is a short-term solution. For a long-lasting investment into space, the true answer is to create a continental space agency for Africa that would permit its countries to embark on space-faring journeys at their own will. Reliance on foreign countries can solidify or promote diplomatic relations, but it will not improve the local situation in Africa. This requires the collaboration of involved African countries as well as a feasible economic plan to maintain such an organization. The ownership of African spaceports, with the provision of access to partnering countries, would give the continent leverage in international affairs, grant jobs to African citizens, and grant a prosperous stake in the future colonization and exploration of space.

In 2023, the U.S. House of Representatives, newly under Republican control, sought to limit federal spending, creating a potentially dangerous situation for American space exploration and NASA. Given the budget situation, it may be beneficial for NASA to look to its existing geographic footprint for areas of deeper support to provide elected leaders with an electoral justification to support NASA missions. The areas with the greatest chance of generating support for NASA are spaceports due to the rocket launches they support serving as focusing events for NASA. Rather than focusing as past scholars have on specific regions, this research examines driving distance from the Kennedy Space Center to provide more detail about the possible relationship between geographic proximity to spaceports and views of NASA. To test for the existence of this proximal relationship and the impact of viewing rocket launches on opinions of NASA, the study fielded an original online survey to gather U.S. residents' opinions about NASA, as well as information on where they lived and on how frequently they view rocket launches. Employing bivariate and multivariate regression models, the responses were analyzed to explore the relationship between geographic proximity to the primary spaceport and exposure to rocket launches on respondents' reported views of NASA. This study found that as respondents' distance from the Kennedy Space Center increased, positive views of NASA decreased. Additionally, respondents who viewed the launch of NASA's Space Launch System (SLS) rocket had more positive views of the agency than others. Overall, these results indicate that direct exposure to NASA activities, facilitated either by living near the Kennedy Space Center or by viewing the SLS launch is associated with more positive perceptions of NASA. The hypothesis that rocket launches can impact views of space exploration was supported based on analyses of reported online and in-person viewership that suggested notable relationships with opinions of commercial launch providers. Yet, even though the models found support for this relationship, they suggested that other factors likely are also important to fully understanding the relationship. NASA's future public engagement strategies evidently should focus on narrowing the awareness gap of NASA activities for those further away from spaceports and do not have direct exposure to the agency. / Master of Arts / In 2023, the U.S. House of Representatives, newly under Republican control, sought to limit federal spending, creating a potentially dangerous situation for American space exploration and NASA. Given the budget situation, it may be beneficial for NASA to look to its existing geographic footprint for areas of deeper support to provide elected leaders with an electoral justification to support NASA missions. The areas with the greatest chance of generating support for NASA are spaceports due to the rocket launches they support serving as potential advertisements for NASA. Rather than focusing as past scholars have on specific regions, this research examines driving distance from the Kennedy Space Center to provide more detail about the possible relationship between geographic proximity to spaceports and views of NASA. Additionally, given that the impact of rocket launches on support for NASA has not been measured this study can help quantify support for NASA's most visible public events. To test for the existence of this relationship and the impact of viewing rocket launches on opinions of NASA, the study fielded an original online survey to gather U.S. residents' opinions about NASA, as well as information on where they lived and on how frequently they view rocket launches. Regression analyses are used to determine the impact of distance from the Kennedy Space Center and different modes of viewership of rocket launches on opinions of NASA. This study found that as respondents' distance from the Kennedy Space Center increased positive views of NASA decreased. Additionally, respondents who viewed the launch of NASA's Space Launch System (SLS) rocket had more positive views of the agency. Overall, these results indicate that direct exposure to NASA activities facilitated either by living near the Kennedy Space Center or by viewing the SLS launch can increase positive perceptions of NASA. NASA's future public engagement strategies evidently should focus on narrowing the awareness gap of NASA activities for those further away from spaceports and do not have direct exposure to the agency.

This dissertation examines the debates and discourses surrounding the Korean Astronaut Program (KAP) using the concepts of sociotechnical imaginaries, sociotechnical vanguards, and the construction of expertise. Based on documentary analysis and oral interviews, this research considers KAP as an example of how the visions of sociotechnical vanguards conflict and their failure to construct a unified sociotechnical imaginary. Furthermore, it contends that the expertization of the Korean astronaut failed because of the public openness of KAP. KAP was proposed by the Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST) and run by the Korea Aerospace Research Institute (KARI). These two sociotechnical vanguards, MOST and KARI, provided different visions to the Korean public sphere, which already ascribed to its own image of an astronaut. MOST imagined the future Korea as a science-loving nation in which especially the next generations would have a strong interest in science and technology. Thus, MOST defined KAP as a science popularizing program and the Korean astronaut as a science popularizer. However, imagining a better Korea with better science and technology, KARI defined KAP as a research program that would lead to human space flight technology and considered the Korean astronaut a space expert. However, in the Korean public sphere, the widely shared expectation was a better Korea with a Korean heroic astronaut, because having a hero similar to that in other countries could position Korea on par with other advanced countries. These three visions conflicted in Korean society during KAP, and none of them succeeded in becoming the dominant sociotechnical imaginary. This elicited severe criticism of KAP and the Korean astronaut. KAP was also a good example of expertization with public openness. Credibility is the most important part of modern scientific practice. Without credibility, scientific experts cannot exercise their authority. Credibility rests on social markers such as academic degrees, track records, and institutional affiliation. However, these social markers are not suddenly assigned to an expert, who spends much time and effort attaining them. Rather, experts are made in a continuous process of improvement. Therefore, this research focuses on the process through which a person becomes an expert in emerging science and proposes the new terminology: expertization. Usually, the expertization process is hidden behind a public image. People do not know how experts obtain social markers, despite believing that these verify expertise. However, when the expertization process open to the public, it could be easily destroyed. KARI tried to position the Korean astronaut as a space expert. The first Korean astronaut did not become an expert overnight, but emerged as such to the Korean public through a selection process, training, and spaceflight. However, unlike other expertization, all steps comprising KAP were broadcast, and the expertization of Dr. Soyeon Yi, the first Korean astronaut, was open to the public. Consequently, her expertise was questioned each time the public found an element that did not satisfy their expectations. This research also clarifies the meaning of gender in emerging science. Dr. Soyeon Yi became the first Korean astronaut before any Korean male. In this way, KAP provided an important meaning to women in science, especially in the field of emerging science, which is usually dominated by males. Through these discussions, this research expands the application of sociotechnical imaginary and expert studies. It also enhances understanding of these discourses in Korean society, and stimulates discussions of the negative consequences of research programs. / Doctor of Philosophy / In April 2008, the first Korean Astronaut, Dr. Soyeon Yi, was launched to the International Space Station. The Korean nation welcomed their astronaut and believed this marked Korea's entry into the space age. However, before long, this aspiration changed to severe criticism. This research analyzes the Korean Astronaut Program (KAP) from its proposal to after its spaceflight in terms of its reception by Korean society. The Korean Astronaut Program was proposed by the Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST) to overcome the science and engineering crisis in 2004. As such, MOST defined KAP as a science-popularization program and the Korean astronaut as a science popularizer. However, as the first human space program in Korea, the Korea Aerospace Research Institute (KARI), who ran KAP, considered it a research program to achieve human spaceflight technology and the Korean astronaut a space expert. These two different understandings were communicated to the Korean public sphere. However, the Korean pubic already had its own image of the "heroic" astronaut based on other countries' space programs and popular culture. The public thought that having an astronaut would position the country on par with other countries. Because the visions of MOST, KARI, and the Korean public differed, KAP could not satisfy the expectations of all three actors. In addition, the process through which Dr. Yi became the first Korean astronaut was opened to the Korean public. Consequently, when the public found an element that did not satisfy their expectations, they doubted Dr. Yi as a space expert, bringing about severe criticism of KAP and the concept of the Korean astronaut.

The aim of this masters thesis is to assess the relation between two organizations with competences towards the European space policy that happen to be in dispute over these competences - the European Union (EU) and the European Space Agency (ESA). The main research question asks whether the ESA hinders further supranationalization of the space matters within the EU framework and the research uses the lenses of the theory of the rational design which highlights the importance of the Member States as the decisive actors in this question who have to incline one way or the other. This thesis examines relevant documents issued by the EU and the ESA, as well as at the positions of the Member States of the European Space Agency with regard to this dispute, and concludes that the ESA indeed hinders further supranationalization of the space matters within the EU framework because it goes against the positions and interests of the Member States. The hindrance reaches the level that the only thing the Member States are willing to do is to adjust the financial procedures in respect to the programmes run by ESA and funded by the EU to ensure their efficient implementation complying with EU rules.

Askew and unsystematic urbanization that occurred after rapid increase and migration in 1950&rsquo / s in T&uuml / rkiye, caused destruction of green spaces. In this way, green spaces in urban pattern that are insufficient now are going to decrease day by day. As a result, human beings that are living in cities have to survive their life in a condition of less green and much building. Urban populace has physical and psychological problems caused by noise, pollution, stress together with not meeting their strolling, resting and being comfortable. For this reason, importance of green spaces is increasing day by day. Being under a disaster of earthquake doubles this importance in istanbul. In this research, in which green spaces in Kartal and Sariyer are taken into consideration, one-by-one fixing and photographing technique is used. Results are evaluated in terms of ownership, opening year, classification, size, activity and distribution of green spaces. Research is consisting of eight chapters. Aim and extension of research is taken into consideration in first chapter. In second chapter, urban open and green spaces are examined in terms of definition, classifications, hierarchy and design criteria. Third chapter include urbanization and green pace relation. In this chapter, historical development of urban open spaces, importance of urban open and green spaces and need of green space issues are mentioned. Green space concept in development plans are taken into consideration in fourth chapter. Firstly, green space concept in development plans / then, procuring methods of green spaces and at last, problems of application decisions of green spaces are examined. Fifth chapter includes green space norms in T&uuml / rkiye and in other countries and comparison of these norms. In sixth chapter, green space situation of istanbul, Kartal and Sariyer are given. In this chapter, firstly, urbanization and green space problem / then, existing situation of Kartal and Sariyer are researched. In case study, which is observed in seventh chapter, green space situation of Kartal and Sariyer is investigated. At last chapter, results of these researches are attained by comparison of green space situations of these two districts in a heading of conclusion.