Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1969. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

In recent years, very few Japanese women have entered the fields of science and technology despite the fact that Japan has specialized in these areas. This study attempts to develop a preliminary profile of those women who have despite odds, made careers in science. Generally, these women were found to come from families of high socio-economic status. These families had socialization patterns typical of middle and upper classes which included the teaching of universal, rather than of local, values, little sex-stereotyping, non-arbitrary verbal communication between generations, and field-independent views. / Families of respondents valued education and were interested in science. In many cases they included persons who were causal and creative. Familial males shared their activities with respondents and familial females modelled an independent, nonpassive role. Respondents often had their first positive science experience within the family, but there were also teachers, primarily at secondary and university levels, who encouraged them. In addition, critical experiences and role models also influenced them. Role models were sometimes persons the respondents knew; in other cases, they were literary figures. / In spite of frustrations and some gender discrimination in the workplace, respondents for the most part are happy to have chosen science as their profession.

No description available.

This study of Japanese women scientists recognizes that their workplaces are those in which the traditional culture of Japan meets the practices of a modern scientific laboratory. In many ways, the two places, Japan and the laboratory, hold contradictory values. Which values will subsume which? Having asked this question, I have attempted to determine the implications of this clash of values for Japanese women working in science. 85 non-Japanese postdoctoral researchers working in Japan were asked their opinions about the distinct characteristics of Japanese laboratory practice, and 62 Japanese women in science in Japan and abroad were asked to comment on a variety of issues in relation to their situation. Results of this survey indicate that Japanese cultural values predominate in science practice in Japan. This predominance has implications both for the scientists and for scientific results. Japan's science laboratories are psychologically less cold than they otherwise might be, but the warm human connections helpful on a social level are in some ways inimical to getting scientific tasks done. The vertical social structure, moreover, means that women who leave scientific work temporarily to fulfill home duties may find it difficult to return to their workplaces later, when these duties become less pressing. Individual needs relating to role models, mentoring, family issues, and to the cultivation of critical thought and independent thinking appear to be the most pressing for women scientists. Implications are: Japan needs a method of allowing field-independent discussion without reference to considerations of rank, seniority, or age. The government of Japan can be supportive of women in science in various ways. For example, they can adjust the gendered division of labour in the scientific workplace and in the Japanese home to include both masculine and feminine participation at both sites. They can also compose a new governmental word descriptive of the present

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Georgia Southern University, 2008. / "A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Georgia Southern University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Education." Directed by Delores Liston. ETD. Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-152) and appendices.

No description available.

Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on March 10, 2010). The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file. Thesis advisor: Dr. Lee Wilkins. Includes bibliographical references.

Orientador: Maria Margaret Lopes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociências / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T22:06:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sombrio_MarianaMoraesdeOliveira_D.pdf: 3061648 bytes, checksum: 40dee56cabd13ea169179678ae292e5e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Esta tese aborda trajetórias de mulheres, principalmente estrangeiras, que realizaram expedições científicas no Brasil, em meados do século XX. A partir da documentação do Conselho de Fiscalização das Expedições Artísticas e Científicas do Brasil - CFE (1933-1968) ¿ MAST, RJ, foi realizado um levantamento sobre a participação de mulheres em expedições científicas buscando entender como elas se inseriam nessas práticas de campo. Apresentamos um panorama geral sobre o levantamento feito na documentação do CFE, quem eram as mulheres que ficaram registradas nestes documentos, a que áreas científicas pertenciam, quantas eram brasileiras e quantas estrangeiras e como articularam suas experiências no Brasil, ao mesmo tempo que retomamos referências bibliográficas importantes e fontes inéditas sobre o assunto. Tratamos das trajetórias de três cientistas que fizeram do Brasil seus campos privilegiados de pesquisa estabelecendo redes de relações sólidas no país, cada uma a sua maneira, e grande parte de suas produções científicas (teorias, classificações, livros e artigos) provém das pesquisas realizadas aqui. Elas são Doris Cochran, Betty Meggers e Wanda Hanke. As análises particularizadas (e até certo ponto de detalhes) que privilegiamos têm o objetivo de contribuir com o quadro de escassez de testemunhos sobre o comportamento e as atitudes de mulheres cientistas trabalhando no Brasil, no período abordado. Fosse um empreendimento coletivo ou solitário, uma ambição profissional, uma fuga ou aventura, a história dessas mulheres está repleta de vontades diversas. Consideramos cada uma dessas experiências como fragmentos da realidade muitas vezes negligenciados pela história das ciências que foi descrita como um empreendimento quase que exclusivamente masculino. A cultura das ciências fez-se separadamente da cultura das mulheres. As expedições científicas, na forma mais romantizada em que conseguimos imaginá-las - grandes aventureiros e aventureiras se embrenhando em matas fechadas, enfrentando perigos - ainda influenciam a categorização das ciências, suas características e o imaginário popular sobre o que é fazer ciências, contribuindo inclusive para reforçar um caráter masculinizante dessas práticas. A realidade, tanto agora quanto no passado, é bastante diferente. Existem grandes lacunas nesses discursos quando excluem parcelas inteiras da população da história da construção do saber científico. Onde está e como foi a participação das mulheres e de outros grupos excluídos por raça, classe ou etnia? Como essas hierarquizações sociais foram reproduzidas nos ambientes científicos? Nas narrativas sobre a ciência ocidental encontramos apenas pequenas pistas e passagens dessas pessoas por essa história. Essa tese é, portanto, uma contribuição para a ampliação desse registro histórico / Abstract: This thesis presents stories of women, mainly foreign, who conducted field research in Brazil in mid-twentieth century. Based on documents of the Brazilian Inspection Council on Artistic and Scientific Expedition - CFE (1933-1968) ¿ MAST (Museum), Rio de Janeiro ¿ an inventory on women¿s participation in scientific expeditions was conducted aiming to understand their experiences on these field practices. We present an overview of the inventory in the CFE documentation, addressing who were the women recorded in these documents. We collected data about their scientific areas, their nationalities, the strategies used to articulate their experiences in Brazil and also gathered important references about the topic. Three scientists were emphasized because their experiences revealed that Brazil was their privileged field of research where they also established strong networks with the local scientific community, each in their own way, because much of their scientific productions (theories, scientific classifications, articles and books) originated from these field activities. They are Doris Cochran, Betty Meggers, and Wanda Hanke. Individualized accounts were privileged, as well as details about these experiences, in order to adress the shortage of testimonials about stories, practices and attitudes of women scientists working in Brazil, in the period covered. Sometimes they went to the field alone, other times as part of a scientific team. They also worked in couples as assistants or collaborators and there were cases of travelers who were just looking for a getaway or an adventure. The stories of these women are interesting and bring up a lot of uniqueness. Each of these experiences can be thought as fragments of a reality often overlooked by the History of Science that has been described as an almost exclusively male enterprise. The culture of science was stablished separately from the women's culture. The popular image of scientific expeditions associated with heroism and riskness still influence the categorization of science and build up an idea of science as an almost exclusively male dominate endeavor, contributing to reinforce the masculine characterization of these practices. Reality, both now and in the past, is quite different. There are large gaps in the Western history of science narratives. Whole social groups were excluded of the construction of scientific knowledge, not only in the institutions but also in the history books. Where is and how was the participation of women and other groups excluded by race, class or ethnicity? How these social hierarchies were reproduced in scientific circles? In the narratives of Western science we found only small hints and passages of this group. This thesis is, therefore, a contribution to increase the field of historical studies about women scientists, gender and sciences / Doutorado / Politica Cientifica e Tecnologica / Doutora em Política Científica e Tecnológica

Researchers and policymakers are interested in the pathway to the STEM workforce given projections about a workforce shortage and the underrepresentation of women and people of color in STEM. These examinations often rely on the STEM pipeline model as a framework for understanding STEM persistence, which uses a STEM degree as a proxy for future workforce entry. However, this approach limits knowledge on STEM persistence to students’ postsecondary years and is not an appropriate framework for examining persistence from a longitudinal perspective. Few studies use longitudinal data and methods appropriate for examining STEM persistence and identifying when attrition from the pathway to the workforce is likely to occur. I used STEM career aspirations and social cognitive career theory as a guiding framework to track students on their trajectory to the STEM workforce. Using data from the Education Longitudinal Study of 2002 (ELS:2002), I examined the career aspirations histories from grade 10 to age 26 of high school students with early STEM career aspirations. I constructed alluvial diagrams to explore patterns of differential change in students’ career aspirations over time and how these patterns relate to STEM-related milestones. I used survival analysis to determine whether and when students lose their STEM career aspirations for the first time during their secondary, postsecondary, and early adult years. I applied discrete-time hazard modeling to determine how students’ characteristics, background affordance, and math self-efficacy contribute to their likelihood of no longer aspiring to a STEM career. I found that students’ career aspirations are unstable over time. Nearly half of the students in the sample lose their STEM career aspirations by grade 12. Still, it was more likely that students who reached STEM-related milestones aspired to a STEM career at the juncture preceding those achievements. While students’ early STEM career aspirations did not appear to have a considerable impact on reaching STEM-related milestones, most of the students who reached those milestones persisted in their grade 10 STEM career aspirations. Students’ gender, race, parental educational expectations, math achievement, and math self-efficacy all have statistically significant impacts on the likelihood of no longer aspiring to a STEM career. I provide implications for future research, policy, and practice related to STEM persistence.

This dissertation examines the debates and discourses surrounding the Korean Astronaut Program (KAP) using the concepts of sociotechnical imaginaries, sociotechnical vanguards, and the construction of expertise. Based on documentary analysis and oral interviews, this research considers KAP as an example of how the visions of sociotechnical vanguards conflict and their failure to construct a unified sociotechnical imaginary. Furthermore, it contends that the expertization of the Korean astronaut failed because of the public openness of KAP. KAP was proposed by the Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST) and run by the Korea Aerospace Research Institute (KARI). These two sociotechnical vanguards, MOST and KARI, provided different visions to the Korean public sphere, which already ascribed to its own image of an astronaut. MOST imagined the future Korea as a science-loving nation in which especially the next generations would have a strong interest in science and technology. Thus, MOST defined KAP as a science popularizing program and the Korean astronaut as a science popularizer. However, imagining a better Korea with better science and technology, KARI defined KAP as a research program that would lead to human space flight technology and considered the Korean astronaut a space expert. However, in the Korean public sphere, the widely shared expectation was a better Korea with a Korean heroic astronaut, because having a hero similar to that in other countries could position Korea on par with other advanced countries. These three visions conflicted in Korean society during KAP, and none of them succeeded in becoming the dominant sociotechnical imaginary. This elicited severe criticism of KAP and the Korean astronaut. KAP was also a good example of expertization with public openness. Credibility is the most important part of modern scientific practice. Without credibility, scientific experts cannot exercise their authority. Credibility rests on social markers such as academic degrees, track records, and institutional affiliation. However, these social markers are not suddenly assigned to an expert, who spends much time and effort attaining them. Rather, experts are made in a continuous process of improvement. Therefore, this research focuses on the process through which a person becomes an expert in emerging science and proposes the new terminology: expertization. Usually, the expertization process is hidden behind a public image. People do not know how experts obtain social markers, despite believing that these verify expertise. However, when the expertization process open to the public, it could be easily destroyed. KARI tried to position the Korean astronaut as a space expert. The first Korean astronaut did not become an expert overnight, but emerged as such to the Korean public through a selection process, training, and spaceflight. However, unlike other expertization, all steps comprising KAP were broadcast, and the expertization of Dr. Soyeon Yi, the first Korean astronaut, was open to the public. Consequently, her expertise was questioned each time the public found an element that did not satisfy their expectations. This research also clarifies the meaning of gender in emerging science. Dr. Soyeon Yi became the first Korean astronaut before any Korean male. In this way, KAP provided an important meaning to women in science, especially in the field of emerging science, which is usually dominated by males. Through these discussions, this research expands the application of sociotechnical imaginary and expert studies. It also enhances understanding of these discourses in Korean society, and stimulates discussions of the negative consequences of research programs. / Doctor of Philosophy / In April 2008, the first Korean Astronaut, Dr. Soyeon Yi, was launched to the International Space Station. The Korean nation welcomed their astronaut and believed this marked Korea's entry into the space age. However, before long, this aspiration changed to severe criticism. This research analyzes the Korean Astronaut Program (KAP) from its proposal to after its spaceflight in terms of its reception by Korean society. The Korean Astronaut Program was proposed by the Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST) to overcome the science and engineering crisis in 2004. As such, MOST defined KAP as a science-popularization program and the Korean astronaut as a science popularizer. However, as the first human space program in Korea, the Korea Aerospace Research Institute (KARI), who ran KAP, considered it a research program to achieve human spaceflight technology and the Korean astronaut a space expert. These two different understandings were communicated to the Korean public sphere. However, the Korean pubic already had its own image of the "heroic" astronaut based on other countries' space programs and popular culture. The public thought that having an astronaut would position the country on par with other countries. Because the visions of MOST, KARI, and the Korean public differed, KAP could not satisfy the expectations of all three actors. In addition, the process through which Dr. Yi became the first Korean astronaut was opened to the Korean public. Consequently, when the public found an element that did not satisfy their expectations, they doubted Dr. Yi as a space expert, bringing about severe criticism of KAP and the concept of the Korean astronaut.