The Sto:lo people face many challenges and issues as they create a government and justice system based on prior ways of governance and justice. Some of these challenges and issues include the documenting and synthesizing of current understanding of judicial practices, establishing principles of membership or citizenship, legitimizing their own institutions, and establishing the scope and mandate of the House of Justice. The Sto:lo people are deciding what they want their justice system to look like. They face a multitude of existing judicial models and the importation of legal practices from elsewhere. Members of the Sto:lo Nation negotiate their way through various levels of federal and provincial government bureaucracy as they form relationships with these government bodies and establish their place among them. Yet, Sto:lo members must also temper their own bureaucratic growth with the need to remain flexible and responsive to the needs of the community. Current understandings of Sto:lo justice practice frame the expectations the Sto:lo people have of their own justice system. Discursive features of previous justice practices and contemporary Sto:lo issues include the importance of elders in community decision making, the importance of community and cohesion, the strength of the family and the desire to settle problems internally without external interference, the importance of sharing resources, and the Sto:lo's connection to the spiritual world. In this paper I study the inception and growth of Sto:lo nationhood, and the creation of one of the Sto:lo Nation's emerging institutions, the House of Justice. I refer to the ethnonationalist literature of Benedict Anderson, Stanley J. Tambiah and John L. Comaroff Anderson's "imagined community" is the central metaphor for this paper. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

I offer some tentative thoughts on Sto:lo relations with the forest and, in turn, suggest how those relations may inform Sto:lo views on identity and culture. While highlighting the variety and complexity of Sto:lo attitudes toward the forest, I pay particular attention to those that appear contradictory. In so doing, I suggest that such "contradictions" are instead necessary antagonisms that spring from the constantly changing pressures to which the Sto:lo have been subjected, as well as from the ways in which they have struggled to cope with such pressures. More specifically, in pointing to Sto:lo attitudes towards forest work and forest conservation, I suggest that the Sto:lo have been forced and even encouraged to make claims to their identity that do not, and need not, conform with what is considered "traditional." In this way, my discussion is structured around the relationship between a sense of Sto:lo identity and the notion of cultural continuity, while aimed at highlighting the material as well as the intellectual realities behind that relationship. In a broader context, my discussion is aimed at reinforcing the need for more flexible examinations of Native identity; those that will highlight what it means to live in a modern Native culture, and what it means to be vulnerable to power. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

This thesis explores the changing meaning of wind dried salmon in contemporary constructions of the culture of the Stó:lō First Nation. Wind drying has been a method of preserving salmon for the Aboriginal peoples of the lower mainland of British Columbia since time immemorial, providing significant winter provisions. However, over the course of the last one hundred years, participation in this fishing activity has been drastically decreased and currently only a handful of Stó:lō families maintain dry racks in the Fraser canyon. As a result, wind dried salmon has gone from being a staple to a delicacy, and is now valued as a cultural tradition, rather than merely as a food product. This change in culturally inscribed meaning is a product of the relationship between Stó:lō fishing activities and fishery regulations imposed by the settler state. Increasing restrictions of Aboriginal fishing rights have resulted in decreased participation and success in the Stó:lō fisheries. Furthermore, regulation has artificially categorized and segregated Stó:lō fishing activities, dislocating the commercialized fresh catch from the "subsistence" dried fish harvest. The response to this regulatory pressure has been the traditionalization of the wind dry fishery, situating the activity as a cultural symbol and a point of resistance to external control. Wind dryers currently refuse to commercialize the wind dry fishery, thus resisting outside control of the management of the fishery and the distribution of the harvest. This situation is discussed in light of anthropological understandings of the construction of traditions, and the issues of Aboriginal rights surrounding contemporary Stó:lōfishing activities.

This thesis provides an analysis of aboriginal involvement in archaeological resource management in British Columbia and explores the potential of co-operative arrangements for the development of a more inclusive management regime. The objectives of the thesis are (i) to investigate the role of First Nations in the development of archaeology and archaeological resource management, (ii) to compare aboriginal community-based heritage management initiatives in B.C. with those operating within the Yukon and Northwest Territories and the U.S., (iii) to develop an aboriginal involvement framework to analyze aboriginal participation in archaeological resource management in B.C., and (iv) to assess the opportunities and constraints to increased aboriginal involvement in archaeological resource management in B.C. Preliminary chapters outline the historical, legislative, and theoretical contexts for this study. Relevant literature is reviewed to provide a discussion of the development of archaeology and its effects on aboriginal people. The creation of a management ethic for archaeology is presented together with the nature of aboriginal participation in the management process. Secondly, literature pertaining to aboriginal involvement in resource management is surveyed to provide a context for analyzing aboriginal participation in archaeological resource management. From this review an aboriginal involvement framework is developed. Based on the themes discussed in preceding chapters and the proposed framework, six key concepts of aboriginal involvement in archaeological resource management are identified to provide structure for an analysis of aboriginal involvement in archaeological resource management in B.C. Next, in case study format, the Sto:lo Nation's approach to heritage management is analyzed using the key concepts distilled from the framework. The Sto:lo Nation's experience with managing archaeology is followed by a discussion of the provincial approach to archaeological resource management. The contrasting nature of both the Sto:lo Nation's and the Province's approaches to archaeological resource management is discussed and the difficulties inherent in developing a more inclusive management regime are highlighted. Finally, a set of opportunities and constraints to the development of a co-operative approach to archaeological resource management is outlined. This set is derived both from the events and literature discussed in the previous chapters as well as the results of the case study investigation. A pilot project for the co-operative management of archaeological resources is suggested and the benefits of such an approach are discussed. The thesis closes with the presentation of conditions to facilitate the development of co-operative management of archaeological resources in B.C.

How can museums, which have been critiqued as colonial spaces to house the curiosities of disappearing races and to show the superiority of the colonizers, be redeployed as assertions of alternative (aboriginal) worldviews? I argue that while Stó:lō Nation and Stó:lō individuals have redeployed museum techniques to serve their own purposes they are still constrained by external and internal factors. Throughout this study I note where the Stó:lō have worked with existing museums, constructed their own interpretive centres, and changed their interpretive centres to differ from and be similar to non-aboriginal-run museums. I also explain how these different museums/interpretive centres are actually coming closer together ideologically. I examine three museums/interpretive centres: the University of British Columbia Museum of Anthropology, located in Vancouver, and the Stó:lō-owned Shxwt'a:selhawtxw (The House of Long Ago and Today), located in Sardis, and Xa:ytem Longhouse Interpretive Centre, just outside of Mission.

This thesis explores the changing meaning of wind dried salmon in contemporary constructions of the culture of the Stó:lō First Nation. Wind drying has been a method of preserving salmon for the Aboriginal peoples of the lower mainland of British Columbia since time immemorial, providing significant winter provisions. However, over the course of the last one hundred years, participation in this fishing activity has been drastically decreased and currently only a handful of Stó:lō families maintain dry racks in the Fraser canyon. As a result, wind dried salmon has gone from being a staple to a delicacy, and is now valued as a cultural tradition, rather than merely as a food product. This change in culturally inscribed meaning is a product of the relationship between Stó:lō fishing activities and fishery regulations imposed by the settler state. Increasing restrictions of Aboriginal fishing rights have resulted in decreased participation and success in the Stó:lō fisheries. Furthermore, regulation has artificially categorized and segregated Stó:lō fishing activities, dislocating the commercialized fresh catch from the "subsistence" dried fish harvest. The response to this regulatory pressure has been the traditionalization of the wind dry fishery, situating the activity as a cultural symbol and a point of resistance to external control. Wind dryers currently refuse to commercialize the wind dry fishery, thus resisting outside control of the management of the fishery and the distribution of the harvest. This situation is discussed in light of anthropological understandings of the construction of traditions, and the issues of Aboriginal rights surrounding contemporary Stó:lōfishing activities. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

This thesis provides an analysis of aboriginal involvement in archaeological resource management in British Columbia and explores the potential of co-operative arrangements for the development of a more inclusive management regime. The objectives of the thesis are (i) to investigate the role of First Nations in the development of archaeology and archaeological resource management, (ii) to compare aboriginal community-based heritage management initiatives in B.C. with those operating within the Yukon and Northwest Territories and the U.S., (iii) to develop an aboriginal involvement framework to analyze aboriginal participation in archaeological resource management in B.C., and (iv) to assess the opportunities and constraints to increased aboriginal involvement in archaeological resource management in B.C. Preliminary chapters outline the historical, legislative, and theoretical contexts for this study. Relevant literature is reviewed to provide a discussion of the development of archaeology and its effects on aboriginal people. The creation of a management ethic for archaeology is presented together with the nature of aboriginal participation in the management process. Secondly, literature pertaining to aboriginal involvement in resource management is surveyed to provide a context for analyzing aboriginal participation in archaeological resource management. From this review an aboriginal involvement framework is developed. Based on the themes discussed in preceding chapters and the proposed framework, six key concepts of aboriginal involvement in archaeological resource management are identified to provide structure for an analysis of aboriginal involvement in archaeological resource management in B.C. Next, in case study format, the Sto:lo Nation's approach to heritage management is analyzed using the key concepts distilled from the framework. The Sto:lo Nation's experience with managing archaeology is followed by a discussion of the provincial approach to archaeological resource management. The contrasting nature of both the Sto:lo Nation's and the Province's approaches to archaeological resource management is discussed and the difficulties inherent in developing a more inclusive management regime are highlighted. Finally, a set of opportunities and constraints to the development of a co-operative approach to archaeological resource management is outlined. This set is derived both from the events and literature discussed in the previous chapters as well as the results of the case study investigation. A pilot project for the co-operative management of archaeological resources is suggested and the benefits of such an approach are discussed. The thesis closes with the presentation of conditions to facilitate the development of co-operative management of archaeological resources in B.C. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

This dissertation historicizes and explains the tensions that arose between localized and regionally dispersed expressions of group affiliation and political authority among the indigenous people of the Lower Fraser River watershed after European contact. It accomplishes this by directly engaging indigenous historiography and epistemology. The period examined covers the late eighteenth century, just prior to the first smallpox epidemic, through to 1906 when a delegation of Salish men met with King Edward in London on behalf of all the Native people of British Columbia. I argue that Aboriginal collective identity and political authority are and were situationally constructed products of complicated negotiations among indigenous people and between Natives and newcomers. Multiple options were always available and the various expressions that shared identity assumed never were the only ones possible. Consequently, among the local indigenous population, history has always been regarded as an important arbitrator of identity and disagreements over competing historical interpretations highly contentious. To a greater extent than has been appreciated, changes in the way Native collective affiliations have been constituted have been informed by reference to ancient sacred stories and an ongoing process of interpreting past precedence. They are also intimately linked to migrations. Over time and across geography, different indigenous people have used these stories to different ends. Gendered and class-based distinctions in the way these narratives have been applied to either the creation of innovative collective identities or to the defense of older expressions reveal the tensions within Aboriginal society and between Natives and newcomers that arose as indigenous people struggled to make sense of a rapidly changing colonial world. The uncertainty following pivotal historical events allowed these submerged tensions to assume more public forms. Examined here are the important identity shaping historical events and migrations that indigenous historiography has emphasized: Creation, the Great Flood, the 1780 smallpox epidemic, the establishment of local Hudson's Bay trading posts in 1827 and 1846, the 1858 goldrush, the imposition of colonial reserves, the banning of the potlatch, the 1884 hostile incursions into Canadian Native communities of an American lynch mob, and the government policy to transform Salish fishermen into western-style farmers. Ultimately, Western ideologies, colonial authority and global economic forces are considered as forces acting within indigenous society, and not merely as exogenous powers acting upon

This dissertation historicizes and explains the tensions that arose between localized and regionally dispersed expressions of group affiliation and political authority among the indigenous people of the Lower Fraser River watershed after European contact. It accomplishes this by directly engaging indigenous historiography and epistemology. The period examined covers the late eighteenth century, just prior to the first smallpox epidemic, through to 1906 when a delegation of Salish men met with King Edward in London on behalf of all the Native people of British Columbia. I argue that Aboriginal collective identity and political authority are and were situationally constructed products of complicated negotiations among indigenous people and between Natives and newcomers. Multiple options were always available and the various expressions that shared identity assumed never were the only ones possible. Consequently, among the local indigenous population, history has always been regarded as an important arbitrator of identity and disagreements over competing historical interpretations highly contentious. To a greater extent than has been appreciated, changes in the way Native collective affiliations have been constituted have been informed by reference to ancient sacred stories and an ongoing process of interpreting past precedence. They are also intimately linked to migrations. Over time and across geography, different indigenous people have used these stories to different ends. Gendered and class-based distinctions in the way these narratives have been applied to either the creation of innovative collective identities or to the defense of older expressions reveal the tensions within Aboriginal society and between Natives and newcomers that arose as indigenous people struggled to make sense of a rapidly changing colonial world. The uncertainty following pivotal historical events allowed these submerged tensions to assume more public forms. Examined here are the important identity shaping historical events and migrations that indigenous historiography has emphasized: Creation, the Great Flood, the 1780 smallpox epidemic, the establishment of local Hudson's Bay trading posts in 1827 and 1846, the 1858 goldrush, the imposition of colonial reserves, the banning of the potlatch, the 1884 hostile incursions into Canadian Native communities of an American lynch mob, and the government policy to transform Salish fishermen into western-style farmers. Ultimately, Western ideologies, colonial authority and global economic forces are considered as forces acting within indigenous society, and not merely as exogenous powers acting upon / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

The purpose of this research was to explore the three smashes attacking tactics wich is used by professional table tennis players all over the world. While analysing the game of world‘s elite and top lithuanian men and women players such videotapes of 2005 were used during this work: World Cup (Belgium, October), Lithuania‘s Top 12 competition (Kaunas, December), The Women Euroleague (Kaunas, November). This research incorporates an analyse of 20 players: 6 world men elite players and 6 lithuanian men top players, 4 world class and 4 Lithuanian women players. During the time of research 20 issues were explored: after concluding the results it was estimated how many points are being won by tree smashes attacking conception – completing the service, accepting the service, after completing the serve and winning the point by the third smash, after accepting the service and winning the point by the third smash. Also, it was backhand and forehand smashes explored concerning their effect by using three smashes conception. It emerged that world‘s elite men players win 59,33% points by using three smashes conception while lithuanian men top players win 69,83% points by using the same tactics in the game. World class women players are able to win 75,50% by using an attacking tree points concept, while lithuanian top women players achieve the result of 73,00% by using the same style. World top class players during the first three points win about 33,99% by using their forehand and... [to full text]