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Creating a new moment: The legacy of John Courtney Murray and the future of Catholicism in the public squareJaneczko, Matthew T. January 2014 (has links)
Thesis advisor: Mark Massa / Thesis advisor: Gregory Kalscheur / Thesis (STL) — Boston College, 2014. / Submitted to: Boston College. School of Theology and Ministry. / Discipline: Sacred Theology.
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Das Besteuerungsrecht der katholischen Kirche im Landesteil Oldenburg /Grave, Alfons. January 1932 (has links)
Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Köln.
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"The Apologetics of the accused: fascism, communism and the Catholic Church of Hungary, 1945-1949 /Adam, Christopher January 1900 (has links)
Thesis (M.A.) - Carleton University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 162-165). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.
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Jeunes et clivages : présentation et validation du clivage Etat - Eglise catholique au Mexique : un essai de typologieTorres Martinez, Rubén 12 December 2012 (has links)
Depuis l'indépendance du Mexique (1821), deux groupes politiques se disputent le contrôle du pays. Pendant tout le XXe siècle, le système de parti hégémonique a rendu impossible l'observation de clivages dans le pays et, bien au contraire, a stimulé l'idée d'un État-Parti « au-dessus de la mêlée ». Nous exploitons le concept de clivage en tant qu'outil qui permet de voir où se trouvent aujourd'hui les lignes qui divisent les sociétés. Nous étudions le cas des principaux partis politiques au Mexique : le Parti Action Nationale (PAN), le Parti de la Révolution Démocratique (PRD) et le Parti Révolutionnaire Institutionnel (PRI). Les amendements constitutionnels survenus pendant le gouvernement Salinas ont placé à nouveau le conflit entre l'État et l'Église Catholique au centre du débat national. Nous remarquons que le conflit s'est institutionnalisé et s'est poursuivi jusqu'à aujourd'hui, laissant apparaître un important clivage historique déjà perçu à l'époque de l'indépendance. Pour parvenir à notre but, nous présentons une série d'entretiens réalisés avec les jeunes leaders des partis politiques. Nous analysons leurs réponses à partir du clivage État/Église catholique. Des questions croisées à propos des sujets dits « sensibles » (l'avortement et le mariage gay) nous permettent d'observer la reproduction du clivage. Nous élaborons et proposons une typologie (Weber) pour guider et conduire la recherche / Since the independence of Mexico (1821), two political groups have been competing for the control of the country. Throughout the twentieth century, the hegemonic party used the entire state apparatus system to make it impossible to observe the cleavages in the country and on the contrary it stimulated the idea of a party-state above all social conflict. We have studied and exploited the concept of cleavage as a tool. This concept allows us to examine where the lines that divide the society lie. The case of mayor political parties has been studied: the National Action Party (PAN) the Party of Democratic Revolution (PRD) and the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). The constitutional amendments that occurred during Salinas's administration have put the State and the Catholic Church in confrontation again. Indeed, this conflict has become the center of a national debate. We can see that the conflict has been institutionalized and has continued until today. To reach our goal we present a series of interviews with the young leaders from political parties. We analyze their answers from the State - Catholic Church cleavage. Crossed questions about the “sensitive” subjects (abortion and gay marriage) let us detect the reproduction of cleavage. We develop and propose a typology (Weber) to guide and lead this research
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假想敌还是真正的敌人?: 天主教会在中国与中共的宗教控制 = Real or misperceived opposites? : the Catholic Church and the Chinese Communist Party's religious control. / 天主教会在中国与中共的宗教控制 / Real or misperceived opposites?: the Catholic Church and the Chinese Communist Party's religious control / Catholic Church and the Chinese Communist Party's religious control / Jia xiang di huan shi zhen zheng de di ren?: Tian zhu jiao hui zai Zhongguo yu Zhong gong de zong jiao kong zhi = Real or misperceived opposites? : the Catholic Church and the Chinese Communist Party's religious control. / Tian zhu jiao hui zai Zhongguo yu Zhong gong de zong jiao kong zhiJanuary 2014 (has links)
本文通过比较的视角来探索中共政权对中国天主教会包括官方与地下教会的特殊控制及其原因。自中共建国后,对比与其同宗同源,同为近代外来宗教的基督新教,中国天主教会长期以来受到中共严厉的控制。同时,近三十年来,基督新教在中国发展迅猛,成为当代中国发展最快的宗教,而在晚清和国民党政权下,基督新教在中国的发展一直远远落后于天主教。本文试图对这两个特殊现象进行研究。 / 对于中共的严厉控制,学界的普遍观点是将其归结为天主教会强大的外国背景和与梵蒂冈的关系; 而近三十年来基督新教在华迅猛发展的原因被认为是它改良的教义和积极的传教模式。然而,基督新教同样具有强大的外国背景,它改良的教义和传教模式自晚清起在中国并没有本质改变,为何只在中共政权下得到迅速发展?本文试图通过对比天主教与基督新教在教义与组织结构、在华传播模式与发展速度、在华对政治的参与等方面的差异,以及天主教会在中国与中共政权在意识形态与组织结构上的异同,来探索中共对天主教会的特殊对待是否存在更深层次的原因,并探讨两者之间是否存在不可调和的矛盾。 / 笔者认为,作为一个意识形态与组织高度合一的政权,中共害怕任何有严密统一全国性组织的宗教,不管它是否有外国背景。而作为有全国性统一严密组织的宗教组织,天主教会在中国之所以没有像"一贯道"和"法轮功"一样被中共消灭掉,是因为其与梵蒂冈的关系。作为"国际性合法宗教",天主教得以在中国生存。与基督新教相比,天主教会在中国,作为一种保守的,不倾向于革命或改良的宗教组织,在主观上从未试图挑战政权,但是其政教合一的严密组织以及建立在儒家伦理和宗族(家族)基础上的稳定的网络结构,在客观上构成对中共政权的有力竞争与潜在威胁,因此受到中共严密控制。中共利用"自选自圣"的策略,保持天主教会在中国的分裂, 从而达到"分而治之"的目的。同时,中共保持天主教地下教会在中国有限度的存在,以维持其对中国天主教会的有效控制。 / My research focuses on church-state relations in contemporary China, to explore whether or not the Catholic Church in China constitutes a threat to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime. I am undertaking a comparative study of the CCP’s religious control over the Catholic and Protestant churches in mainland China through the approach of state-society relations, as well as a macroscopic view of political science with quantitative and qualitative analysis. / As they are both foreign-originated parts of Christianity, the Catholic Church has been subjected to much stricter controls from the mainland CCP since 1949 than the Protestant Churches. Furthermore, the Protestant churches have been the fastest growing religion in China in past three decades, but it had once grown relatively very slowly under late Qing and the KMT regimes, compared with the Catholicism. This research tries to explore these two strange phenomena, to study why the CCP has been so highly attentive towards the Catholic Church but has not eliminated it in mainland China. / Through expounding the differences between the Catholic Church and the Protestant churches in religious doctrines, organizational structures, propagation models, as well as development rates in China, which have been ignored by most scholars in the field, I try to interpret why the CCP has taken much tougher religious control over the Catholic Church, compared with the Protestant ones. Furthermore, I also make comparison between the Catholic Church and the CCP both of those are hierarchical organizations with highly unified ideologies, as well as different kinds of Universalism and Particularism. / In my view, the Catholic Church in China is different from Protestant churches, in that it has the tradition of "The Directives of Matteo Ricci," which expounded Christian doctrines in a Confucian way. It also comports with the traditional dependence on patriarchal clans (kinship) and obedience to secular authority found in Chinese society. It is not a social group that inclines to reform or revolution, but rather a conservative, exclusive, and highly stable one. Therefore, it has never intended to threaten or challenge the CCP’s authority. The opposition of the Catholic Church in China has been "misperceived" by the CCP. / As a regime highly unified in ideology and organization, the CCP’s state has been highly attentive toward any religion that has a nationwide, structured organization in China, whether it is of foreign or native provenance. Contrary to the common view in the field, it is argued that the Catholic Church could survive in China after 1949 -- in contrast to the "I-Kuan Tao" (Yi Guan Dao; eliminated in 1950’s), and "Falun Gong" (eliminated in recent years), because of its powerful world-wide network, its linkage with the Vatican. The CCP wants to maintain the disruption between the official and underground Catholic Churches in the Chinese mainland, to divide the Catholic Church and rule it in China. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 郝瑩. / Thesis submitted: October 2013. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 219-236). / Abstracts also in English. / Hao Ying.
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Política e educação no Estado de São Paulo (1963-1964): a gestão do secretário Januário BaleeiroCarvalho, Samuel José de 31 July 2018 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2018-08-31 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This dissertation examines the political performance of Father Januário Baleeiro de Jesus e Silva (1922-1991) in conducting the Secretary of the Business of Education of the state of São Paulo between February 1963 and March 1964. Amazonense, military chaplain of Aeronautics, founder of a religious congregation and some educational establishments in Minas Gerais, Baleeiro was strange to the paulista medium and assumes the invitation of Governor Adhemar de Barros, in a populist context and of significant experiences in popular education. In its management, it decrees the creation of almost a hundred schools, deploys the State Department of Scholarships, expands the education system by radio and television and installs the State Council of Education. It is considered, in the analysis, the trajectory, its networks of relations and the actions of government in which it was protagonist, against the political-social tensions of that historical moment. The research investigated in the archive of the religious institute he founded, in the laws, decrees and acts that he signed, and in the periodic press the teaching project that he defended, analyzed in the light of the notions of the research of Jean François Sirinelli on the intellectuals. The research allowed to perceive the populist, catholic and developmental character implied in the projects and actions of the paulista government, which intended to use the state as the propulsion force of national development / Esta dissertação examina a atuação política do padre Januário Baleeiro de Jesus e Silva (1922-1991) na condução da Secretaria dos Negócios da Educação do Estado de São Paulo entre fevereiro de 1963 e março de 1964. Amazonense, ex-capelão militar da aeronáutica, fundador de uma congregação religiosa e de alguns estabelecimentos de ensino em Minas Gerais, Baleeiro era estranho ao meio paulista e assume a convite do governador Adhemar de Barros, em contexto populista e de significativas experiências na educação popular. Em sua gestão, decreta a criação de quase uma centena de escolas, implanta o serviço estadual de bolsas de estudo, amplia o sistema de educação pelo rádio e televisão e instala o Conselho Estadual de Educação. São consideradas, na análise, a trajetória, suas redes de relações e as ações de governo nas quais foi protagonista, frente às tensões político-sociais daquele momento histórico. A pesquisa investigou no arquivo do instituto religioso por ele fundado, nas leis, decretos e atos que assinou, e na imprensa periódica o projeto de ensino que defendia, analisado à luz das noções advindas das pesquisas de Jean François Sirinelli sobre os intelectuais. A pesquisa permitiu perceber o caráter populista, católico e desenvolvimentista implícito nos projetos e ações do governo paulista, que pretendia usar o estado como força propulsora do desenvolvimento nacional
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