No description available.

Individuals perceiving stigma may be unwilling to seek support directly. Instead, they may use indirect strategies due to fear of rejection. Ironically, indirect seeking leads to unsupportive network responses (i.e., rejection). In Study 1, data collected from structured interviews of a sample of U.S. women in poverty (N = 116) showed that perceived poverty-related stigma was related to increased fear of rejection, which in turn partially mediated perceived stigma and indirect seeking. In Study 2, data gathered from structured interviews of a sample of U.S. abused women (N = 177) revealed that perceived abuse-related stigma was linked to increased indirect seeking, which in turn related to increased unsupportive network responses. By contrast, direct support seeking was related to increased supportive and decreased unsupportive responses.

No description available.

If cosmetic surgery has become the cultural lens through which Americans look at issues of beauty and ugliness (Haiken 1997), then minor bodily stigma is the personal lens through which we scrutinize our bodies and self-diagnose our own flaws in the first place (Ellis 1998). In this dissertation, I interrogated the stories of eight women who struggled with two specific minor bodily stigmas--strabismus (crossed eyes) and micromastia (small breasts). Cosmetic surgery presents a potential "cure" for both of these conditions, however, as some of my interviewees could testify, the results are unpredictable. While some women reported being grateful that they could try to resculpt their bodies with surgery, others were too afraid to try, or annoyed that the option existed in the first place. Using a Grounded Theory approach, I combined autoethographic techniques with interactive interviewing to collect and interpret my data about how individuals cope with, and talk about, minor bodily stigma in an age of cosmetic surgery. The two flaws I chose to examine carry a great deal of cultural significance because in the West, eyes are revered as "windows to the soul," while breasts are regarded as powerful symbols of sexuality. Consequently, I looked at each woman's exposure to culture at three levels--the mass media, the local culture, and the circle of family and friends. First, I wanted to find out how these women identified themselves as flawed in the first place, and what impact their perceived stigma had upon their lives. I wanted to know if, and how, they communicated to others about their minor bodily stigmas. Next, I delineated the eight coping strategies outlined by my interviewees and examined the efficacy of each. Finally, I looked at how each woman made and communicated her decision regarding whether or not to pursue cosmetic surgery as a solution to her minor bodily stigma. I asked those who had surgery to elaborate on their decision and its outcome.

<p>In all times school has defined and categorized pupils from a hypothetical normality. The National Agency for Education is today critical to how the municipalities provide for the necessity of special support for pupils with difficulties in school.</p><p>Pupil`s assistants has been a growing profession in school during the last decade and their importance for the pupils is relatively unexplored. The aim of this study is to find out how the pupils think about having pupil`s assistant during the obligatory school on the basis of the ideas of power, knowledge, involvment and understanding. The study is based on qualitative interviews, consisting of half-structured questions, with eight pupils that have or have had pupil`s assistant during their time in senior compulsory school. The result notifies that the pupils feel powerless in school, they have no opportunity to affect and they do not think they are someone that could make any change. With the pupil`s assistant the pupils get an opportunity to affect and a feeling of recognition. The pupil thinks that the pupil`s assistant is a translator of the teachers instructions and someone who builds a bridge between teacher and pupil. There is a fear within the pupils to be different, to not belong. When the pupil`s assistance is given in the classroom the pupil think they belong more to the class than if the assistance is given outside the classroom. With assistance outside the classroom the pupil sees the pupil`s assistant more as a teacher.</p>

In all times school has defined and categorized pupils from a hypothetical normality. The National Agency for Education is today critical to how the municipalities provide for the necessity of special support for pupils with difficulties in school. Pupil`s assistants has been a growing profession in school during the last decade and their importance for the pupils is relatively unexplored. The aim of this study is to find out how the pupils think about having pupil`s assistant during the obligatory school on the basis of the ideas of power, knowledge, involvment and understanding. The study is based on qualitative interviews, consisting of half-structured questions, with eight pupils that have or have had pupil`s assistant during their time in senior compulsory school. The result notifies that the pupils feel powerless in school, they have no opportunity to affect and they do not think they are someone that could make any change. With the pupil`s assistant the pupils get an opportunity to affect and a feeling of recognition. The pupil thinks that the pupil`s assistant is a translator of the teachers instructions and someone who builds a bridge between teacher and pupil. There is a fear within the pupils to be different, to not belong. When the pupil`s assistance is given in the classroom the pupil think they belong more to the class than if the assistance is given outside the classroom. With assistance outside the classroom the pupil sees the pupil`s assistant more as a teacher.

This study investigates social psychological strategies homeless persons use to develop and maintain the self while homeless. To understand this topic, I apply the identity theory of Stryker, self-esteem ofRosenberg, self-efficacy of Gecas and Schwalbe, and homeless identity meanings and behaviors of Burke. Additionally, I examine what is needed to no longer be homeless. In all, 326 surveys were collected at six different homeless service agencies such as shelters and meal sites. The data analysis includes descriptive statistics and multivariate regression. The results only partially support identity theory in that interactive commitment (increased number of homeless friends) predicts salience (frequently invoking the homeless identity across different situations) which predicts increased length of time in role. However, affective commitment and centrality of the homeless identity have no effect. This study does confirm Snow andAnderson’s findings that homeless persons on the streets for a shorter period of time will distance themselves from the homeless identity, while those on the streets longer will embrace the homeless identity. As opposed to previous research, I find that the majority of homeless respondents do not have low self-esteem or self-efficacy. Instead it is certain factors such as being homeless longer and more often, accepting the homeless identity, viewing the homeless identity as most important, little to no family support and having a high school diploma (or less) that result in homeless persons having low self-esteem or self-efficacy. With homeless identity meanings, people thinking negatively about themselves is the result of having more homeless friends, being homeless longer and more often, possessing low self-esteem and low self-efficacy. Placing great importance on homeless identity behaviors such as helping other homeless people and staying sober influence these outcomes: thinking positively about the self, stronger ties with other homeless people, more homeless friends and invoking the homeless identity more often in different situations. For homeless people to obtain housing, two factors, income and social support systems, are most important. Of all the control variables, sleeping on the streets and multiple disabilities demonstrate the greatest impact for almost all of the independent variables. The implications of these findings are discussed.

BEZERRA, Leila Maria Passos de Souza. Pobreza e lugar(es) nas margens urbanas: lutas de classificação em territórios estigmatizados do Grande Bom Jardim. 2015. 471f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza (CE), 2015. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-04-28T10:38:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_tese_lmpsbezerra.pdf: 5634813 bytes, checksum: f5caaba04aea997fd9ab16095baa0bc4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-05-04T11:40:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_tese_lmpsbezerra.pdf: 5634813 bytes, checksum: f5caaba04aea997fd9ab16095baa0bc4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-04T11:40:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_tese_lmpsbezerra.pdf: 5634813 bytes, checksum: f5caaba04aea997fd9ab16095baa0bc4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / This research aims at understanding the meanings entailed by poverty and places on unprivileged urban areas in the city of Fortaleza, state of Ceara in the 2000 years, according to the evaluation of dwellers of stigmatized territories, in this case, the Grande Bom Jardim region. In view of this configuration, a qualitative research was chosen with adoption of participative observation to complement the interviews. It is a social and anthropological study encompassing the Mela Mela and Marrocos communities that are heavily burdened by social and territorial stigmatization and social disavowal commonly associated with residents in a poverty condition. In local classification patterns, stigmatization associated with poverty, “the poor” and their dwelling places is at one time refused/dissimulated and at another time transferred/reproduced by agents who battle in different spaces and levels. This thesis tries to apprehend the daily symbolic struggles within the territory that are weaved by individual and group environments related to dwellers dealing with new linguistic meanings of poverty/“being poor” and the social buildup of place or places considered “the pits” in the region. According to their micro-tactics of social empowerment, the narrators/dwellers engendered new classifications that were transformed into perceptions that they have of an “ideal us” as well as hierarchy-based refusal of the local “poor” demarcating symbolic frontiers between unequal people who are on the other hand geographically close, but who became socially distant. They elaborated their native concept of poverty delineating two main versions: the first, an individual and private configuration that distinguishes “surviving poverty” from “spiritual poverty”; and the other that associates poverty with dwelling place, meaning neglected space plagued by social-economic and civil insecurity. In order to understand the re-significations of urban poverty in the present required from the researcher to delve into the “roots” of places indicated by narrators, being this instance an important parameter seen in relational production and its territorial classifying patterns as well as in stigmatizing classifications that are projected on the region and its residents. The other dimension of those symbolic struggles as evaluated by this thesis refers to the meaning of locus according to two perspectives: the increased value of dwelling territory, caused by an increased social-cultural sense of memory, appreciation and belonging, in spite of a feeling of being abandoned by the city administration; and spreading of fear and insecurity encompassing topophobic practices that inhibit dwelling and sociophobic practices that enhance social avoidance revealing trends of living under siege within those areas of the city. Therefore, this thesis offers a critical evaluation of native concepts of “poverty”/“poor” and the related lociassociated with them in their characterization as dwelling places that engross multivocal and polissemic reflections on living beyond urban limits at the present time. / Esta pesquisa busca compreender significações de pobreza e lugar(es) ensejadas pelas margens urbanas de Fortaleza-Ce nestes anos 2000, sob o ponto de vista de moradores de territórios estigmatizados da região do Grande Bom Jardim.Optei, assim, pela pesquisa qualitativa, com a adoção da observação participante em complementaridade com as entrevistas. Trata-se de um estudo sócio-antropológico, circunstanciado no Mela Mela e no Marrocos, sobre os quais recaem estigmatizações sócio territoriais e de desqualificação social de seus residentes em condição de pobreza. Nos esquemas classificatórios locais, as estigmatizações associadas à pobreza, aos “pobres” e aos seus locais de moradia são ora recusadas/dissimuladas, ora transferidas/reproduzidas pelos agentes, travando lutas de classificação em distintos espaços e níveis. Esta tese buscou apreender as lutas simbólicas cotidianas e intra territoriais,urdidas nos âmbitos individual/grupal pelos moradores em torno das re-semantizações de pobreza/“ser pobre” e da construção social de lugar(es) reconhecidos como expressões do“vixe do vixe” desta região. Em suas micro táticas de distinção social, os narradores-residentes fabricaram (re)classificações, traduzidas em suas percepções de um “nós ideal”, bem como (des)classificações hierarquizadas dos “pobres” locais, demarcatórias de fronteiras simbólicas entre (des)iguais geograficamente próximos, tornados socialmente distantes. Elaboraram seus conceitos nativos de pobreza, delineando duas principais versões: uma individualizada e privatista, que distingue “pobreza-precisão” de“pobreza de espírito”; e a outra, que associa pobreza ao local de moradia, configurado em espaço de abandono e insegurança sócio-econômica e civil. Compreender as (re)significações da pobreza urbana em tempos contemporâneos exigiu apreender seus enraizamentos nos lugares praticados pelos narradores, importante parâmetro nas produções relacionais de seus esquemas classificatórios intra territoriais e de classificações estigmatizantes projetadas sobre a região e seus residentes. A outra dimensão destas lutas simbólicas apreendida nesta tese diz respeito aos sentidos de lugar(es) em duas perspectivas: a de valorização do território vivido como lugar de memória, reconhecimento e pertença sócio territorial, embora considerando-o abandonado pelo poder público; e a de espacialidade(s) de medo e insegurança(s), sintonizada com práticas topofóbicas de habitá-las e sociofóbicas de evitação social, enunciando tendências de um viver acuado” nestas margens da cidade. Esta tese enseja uma interpretação crítica dos conceitos nativos de “pobreza”/“pobre” e seus lugares vividos, adensando reflexões multivocais e polissêmicas sobre o viver nas margens das margens urbanas em tempos contemporâneos.

Bakgrund: Hållbarhetsrapportering har blivit alltmer essentiellt för företag, men graden som det används varierar. Företag kan använda sig av hållbarhetsrapportering för att legitimera sin verksamhet och mängden information i rapporter kan användas för att påverka läsaren. Stigmatiserade företag presterar sämre inom hållbarhet och anses vara misskrediterade av omgivningen. Det skapar incitament för stigmatiserade företag att använda hållbarhetsrapportering för att förbättra deras anseende mot intressenter. Det är därav intressant att undersöka om mängden hållbarhetsrapportering varierar mellan olika företagstyper. Syfte: Studien syftar till att undersöka huruvida mängden hållbarhetsrapportering skiljer sig mellan stigmatiserade och icke-stigmatiserade svenska företag. Metod: Den här studien är en kvantitativ tvärsnittsstudie som undersökt svenska noterade företag. Studien har en deduktiv ansats där en hypotes formulerats utifrån en litteraturgenomgång. Data har samlats in från företags hållbarhetsrapporter och årsredovisningar. Mängd hållbarhetsrapportering operationaliserades till fyra mått; antal sidor, antal ord, samt antal sidor och ord i hållbarhetsrapporten relativt årsredovisningen. Slutsats: Studiens resultat visade att det inte fanns någon skillnad i mängden hållbarhetsrapportering mellan stigmatiserade- och icke-stigmatiserade företag. Däremot hittades ett samband mellan mängd och kontrollvariablerna storlek, lagstadgad hållbarhetsrapport, fristående hållbarhetsrapport. / Introduction: Sustainability reporting has been increasingly essential for firms, however, to the degree to which it is used varies. Firms can use sustainability reporting to legitimize their business and use the quantity of information presented in the reports to influence the reader. Stigmatized firms have been found to perform poorly within sustainability and they are considered to not act according to society’s expectations. It generates incentives for stigmatized firms to use sustainability reporting in order to improve their reputation among stakeholders. It is thereby of interest to explore whether the quantity of sustainability reporting varies between different firm types. Purpose: The aim of this study is to explore whether the quantity of sustainability reporting varies between stigmatized and non-stigmatized Swedish firms. Method: This is a quantitative cross-sectional study on listed Swedish companies. The study has a deductive approach where a hypothesis is formulated based on a literature review. Data has been collected from companies´ sustainabilityreports and annual reports. Quantity of sustainability reporting was operationalized into the four measures number of pages, number of words, and number of pages and words sustainability reporting relative to the annual report. Conclusion: The result of the study shows that there was no difference in the quantity of sustainability reporting between stigmatized- and non-stigmatized firms. However, a relationship was found between the quantity of sustainability reporting and the control variables firm size, statutory sustainability report and external sustainability report.

When stigmatized or oppressed groups are able to protect their self-esteem by attributing a negative outcome to prejudice and/or discrimination, this has been titled "attributional ambiguity". Whereas it has been proven in many studies that attributional ambiguity does exist among the stigmatized and oppressed groups the methodological approach of these studies were bias. In these studies the evaluator(s) has always been white and/or physically able. The goal of this study was to investigate whether attributional ambiguity is utilized by any individual (stigmatized/oppressed or non-stigmatized/non-oppressed) who feels that their outcome is the result of prejudice and/or discrimination. Our methodological approach allowed participants to be evaluated by same-race, or cross-race evaluators of the same sex. It is believed that this did address the issue of stigmatized/oppressed being evaluators themselves. However, the lack of reported prejudice made it difficult to test the construct validity of attributional ambiguity. In addition this study yielded results that revealed that subtle differences such as skin color is not enough to imply prejudice even when paired with negative feedback.