The 1970s are in the limelight of a growing historiographic attention, partly due to the recent opening of new archival resources. 1973, in particular, has a special interest in the historian’s eyes, as many are the events that happened that year: to name but a few, the Chilean coup, the October War, the ensuing oil crisis, the Vietnamese peace treaty. So it is may be not entirely surprising that not much attention has been paid to the Year of Europe, a nebulous American initiative destined to sum up to nothing practical - as Kissinger himself put it, it was destined to be the Year that never Was.1 It is my opinion, however, that its failure should not conceal its historical interest. Even though transatlantic relations have sometimes been seen as an uninterrupted history of crisis,2 in 1973 they reached what could then be considered as their unprecedented nadir. I believe that a thorough analysis of the events that during that year found the US increasingly at odds with the countries of Western Europe is worth carrying out not only to cast a new light on the dynamics of transatlantic relations but also to deepen our comprehension of the internal dynamics of the actors involved, mainly the Nixon administration and a unifying Europe. The Nixon administration had not carefully planned what the initiative actually should have amounted to, and its official announcement appears to have been one of Kissinger’s coups de theatre. Yet the Year of Europe responded to the vital priority of revitalising the relations with Western Europe, crucial ally, for too long neglected. But 1973 did not end with the solemn renewal of the Atlantic Declaration that Kissinger had sought. On the contrary, it saw, for the first time, the countries of the newly enlarged EC engaged in a real, if short-lived, solidarity on foreign policy, which highlighted the Nixon administration’s contradictions regarding European integration. Those, in addition to the numerous tensions that already strained transatlantic relations, gave birth to a downward spiral of incomprehensions and misperceptions, which the unexpected deflagration of the October war seriously worsened. However, even though the tensions did not disappear, the European front soon started to disintegrate, mainly under the strains imposed by the oil crisis. Significant changes in the leadership of the main European countries helped to get the tones back to normal. During the course of 1974-5, the substantial failure of the Euro-Arab dialogue, the Gymlich compromise, frequent and serene bilateral meetings bear witness that the worst was over.

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Sociology of work in Italy revived at the end of WWII, after thirty years of forced oblivion. This thesis examines the history of discipline by considering three paths that it followed from its revival up to its institutionalization: the influence of the productivity drive, the role of trade unions and the activity of early young researchers. European Productivity Agency's Italian office Comitato Nazionale per la Produttività propagandised studies on management and on the effects of the industrialization on work and society. Academicians, technicians, psychologists who worked for CNP started rethinking sociology of work, but the managerial use of sociology was unacceptable for both trade unions and young researchers. So “free union” CISL created a School in Florence with an eager attention to social sciences as a medium to become a new model union, while Marxist CGIL, despite its ideological aversion to sociology, finally accepted the social sciences lexicon in order to explain the work changes and to resist against the employers' association offensive. On the other hand, political and social engagement led a first generation of sociologists to study social phenomenon in the recently industrialized Italy by using the sociological analysis. Finally, the thesis investigate the cultural transfers from France, whose industrial sociology (sociologie du travail) was considered as a reference in continental Europe. Nearby the wide importance of French sociologie, financially aided by planning institutions in order to employ it in the industrial reconstruction, other minor experiences such as the social surveys accomplished by worker-priests in the suburbs of industrial cities and the heterodox Marxism of the review “Socialisme ou Barbarie” influenced Italian sociology of work.

La ricerca Portogallo: corporativismo e tradizionalismo cattolico percorre circa mezzo secolo di storia lusitana, dalla fine dell’Ottocento fino ai primi anni Quaranta. Oggetto della tesi le dottrine corporatiste che influenzarono i legislatori dell’Estado Novo, primo tra tutti il capo del Governo, António Oliveira Salazar. Un viaggio dal dibattito corporativo cattolico, filtrato dall’ideologia d’Action française, a quello fascista, cercherà di dimostrare l’assoluta originalità del corporativismo lusitano, che influenzato da entrambi, come avvenne in quasi tutti i paesi, dopo la Prima guerra mondiale, intraprese politiche economico sociali per dare risposte concrete alla crisi economica.

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This thesis investigates the representation of Sicilian mafia women on the Italian press after the second postwar, in particular by examining three Italian newspapers, Il Corriere della Sera, L’Ora and Il Giornale di Sicilia. The focus is on the 1963 – 1983 twenty-year period, after which there has been a big change in the world of Sicilian crime organization with the phenomenon of pentitismo that changes a lot of thing in the whole universe of mafia. In this research there are two aspects very different but very central at the same time. On one hand the careful counting of quoted newspapers and the filing of the articles about general mafia and mafia women, which rendered a whole database about the interest for these woman figures founded in print, in a historical period never analyzed from this point of view; on the other hand the interpretation of these articles and the different representation forms. The founded material was compared with the cultural Italian history of that period to understand if there was a difference between general woman perception and that of mafia woman and if there was also an iconographic prototype of southern woman which it is possible to apply on photographs and descriptions. In fact the most important result of the thesis is to underline that, in front of a woman who belongs to mafia context, the Italia press represented the female gender as first and the mafia gender as the second one.

In the wide range of data that the nutrition subject offers to the historical observation, this investigation focuses on one of the functions that food serves in the social context: that is, to signify cultural identity. In this context, we will analyse the ways in which industrially produced pasta has come to its status as one of the symbolic forms of twentieth-century Italian food, contributing to a sense of social identity that forms part of the process of nation-building developed during the XX century. The nature of the relationship between pasta and Italian food is analysed for a period of almost a century (1886-1984) through a variety of different sources: government enquiries, cookery books, gastronomic guides and menus of official dinners. The assemblage of such documents in one study allows investigation of certain themes throughout a wide range of gastronomical cultures active within the national borders. In this way, links are made between the production, adoption, reception and dissemination of the ingredients and Italian Unification.This method has made it possible to restore one possible form of historical knowledge of twentieth-century gastronomy and of the experiences by which it was influenced.