劉明偉. / 手稿本(copies 2&3 複印本) / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學硏究院. / Shou gao ben (copies 2&3 fu yin ben) / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 376-387). / Liu Mingwei. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / Chapter 一 --- 導言 --- p.4 / Chapter 二 --- 中國現代社團的先驅 --- p.20 / Chapter 三 --- 社團典型之一：新潮社 / Chapter 四 --- 社團典型之二：新民學會 / Chapter 五 --- 社團典型之三：少年中國學會 / Chapter 六 --- 其他類型團體 / Chapter 甲 --- 平民教育團體 / Chapter 乙 --- 新村主義與二讀互助團體 / Chapter 丙 --- 合作主義團體 / Chapter 丁 --- 無政府主義團體 / Chapter 戊 --- 學生聯合會 / Chapter 七 --- 結語

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Arts

There is no abstract available for this thesis.

This thesis has explored the political attitudes of 149 high school seniors in Muncie, Indiana in the hope that such exploration would provide some insight into the effects the addition of eighteen year old voters to the electorate will have on the political process.The study concentrated especially on the partisan identification with a political party of the study sample since this particular phenomenon has very great influence on electoral behavior. Particular topics examined in the study included: the partisan identification of the study sample, the agreement in partisan preferences between sample respondents and their parents, the confidence of the respondents in the political parties as problem solving mechanisms, the liberal-conservative nature of the sample's ideology, and the amount of alienation from politics present in the study sample.

Descriptions of the contemporary student radical movement in North America by writers in the social sciences have varied enormously. Some have described the movement as a relatively unified entity opposed to the dominant, social and cultural order,while others have found a collection of rival political groups and styles which will not give one another support. My thesis will attempt to uphold the second assertion, i.e. that there exist irreconcilable rifts within what is commonly called "the student movement”. Two radical political groups who held meetings at a large western Canadian university in 1968 will be examined with the aid of transcript data taken from tape-recordings. Evidence of tension and conflict between the differing political orientations adhered to by these two groups will then be presented. Kenneth Keniston's description of "political activist" and "culturally alienated" poles within the student movement provides a loose set of categories in terms of which the two groups may be viewed. The group calling itself SDS is seen to resemble Keniston's "political activists" who follow more traditional means of organizing political protest. Members of SDU, the group which preceded SDS chronologically, fit into Keniston's category of "culturally alienated" by being involved in a search for intensified subjective experience. They depart from his description, however, by emphasizing intersubjective encounter in a public group setting rather than remaining alienated social isolates. While SDS, with its goal of confrontation politics, resembles many other New Left groups described by writers on the Movement, SDU, with its goal of achieving a sense of community, remains unique. It is because of SDU's unique character that the problem of recruiting new members is explored in the final portion of the thesis. Newcomers to SDU had a difficult time understanding what was taking place as the meeting situation departed so greatly from their expectations of what a radical political meeting should look like. Problems with newcomers and the appearance of SDS as a rival political group led to the abandonment of SDU as an unusual attempt to create a communal experience of interpersonal encounter on campus instead of the more usual tactics of confrontation politics. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

當下對於中國政治轉型的討論甚囂塵上。民主憲政固然是現代國家良政善治的基石，但對於當下的中國來說，實現轉型的可能性無疑是更現實的問題。而轉型的動力有多大，在很大程度上就意味著轉型成功的可能性有多大。然而轉型的動力究竟在哪，各家眾說紛紜。本研究著眼於中國當代重點大學的大學生，認為他們是形塑中國社會面貌的重要有生力量，而他們的對中共的認知與參與，無疑對於以後中國的民主、憲政進程是有不可小覷的影響的。本研究採用定性訪談的方法，旨在瞭解以廣州中山大學為代表的當代中國重點大學大學生的政黨認同的情況以及相應的政治參與，順帶分析政黨認同的影響因素以及他們的政治參與行為對中國當下政治環境的影響，並討論了當下精英大學生與中國傳統知識人對政治的認知與參與的差異。通過對20名大四及以上年級的學生訪談，筆者初步瞭解到受訪者對於共產黨的執政績效與執政價值普遍持一種低度的認同，或者就是冷漠與無知。而與認知上的消極與冷漠形成對照的，卻是高度的體制內政治參與（即入黨、考公務員）與極其貧乏的體制外參與（公民活動）。而且，所有受訪者均了生計而進行體制內政治參與（即謀求一份穩定與舒適），並沒有在政治道路上向上流動的打算。筆者期望通過這個研究能夠體現出一種現實：這樣一種"工具理性"與"消極自由"的政治參與在事實上有助於加強共產黨的組織力量、鞏固既得利益團裡的利益；在"頂層設計"與"底層訴求"之外，至少在"中層"的精英青年這個層面，中國走民主憲政之路的動力是值得懷疑的。 / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 祝粲. / Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 47-49). / Zhu Can.

劉雲龍. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院政治及公共行政學部, 1996. / 參考文献 : leaves 161-176. / Liu Yunlong. / 引言 / Chapter 一、 --- 社會運動理論的盲點 --- p.1 / Chapter 二、 --- 社會運動的定義 --- p.3 / Chapter 三、 --- 領袖「啓蒙」與理性選擇 --- p.5 / Chapter 四、 --- 菁英主義以外的理論補充 --- p.7 / Chapter 第一章 --- 理論探討 / Chapter 一、 --- 哲學和政治學的理性假設傳統 --- p.12 / Chapter 二、 --- 理性人爲何要參與集體行動?----理性選擇 論與搭便車的疑難 --- p.17 / Chapter 三、 --- 大團體、小團體和組織 --- p.24 / Chapter 四、 --- 利益群體的四度空間 --- p.30 / Chapter 五、 --- 資源動員理論 --- p.37 / Chapter 六、 --- 新社會運動論 --- p.43 / Chapter 七、 --- 小結 --- p.46 / Chapter 第二章 --- 群眾參與、動員與組織 / Chapter 一、 --- 積極參與和消極參與 --- p.49 / Chapter 二、 --- 核心動員、組織動員、群體動員 --- p.52 / Chapter 三、 --- 組織的群體界定功能 --- p.55 / Chapter 四、 --- 群體動員的非理性因素 --- p.58 / Chapter 第三章 --- 八十年代台灣學運外觀 / Chapter 一、 --- 台灣學者對社會運動的研究及分期方式 --- p.62 / Chapter 二、 --- 組織由寡到多、由小而大 --- p.68 / Chapter 三、 --- 「走出校園」與學運組織的串連 --- p.73 / Chapter 四、 --- 校園、社會、政治三大改造方向 --- p.79 / Chapter 第四章 --- 台灣學運的動員規模 / Chapter 一、 --- 核心動員和組織動員 --- p.87 / 組織特徵 --- p.87 / 抗爭議題及群體界定 --- p.96 / Chapter 二、 --- 群體動員一野百合學運 --- p.103 / 校際組織及九二八大遊行 --- p.103 / 野百合學運 --- p.108 / 組織核心與群眾關係 --- p.117 / Chapter 三、 --- 小結 --- p.123 / 總結 --- p.127 / Chapter 一、 --- 組織在群體動員上處於次要角色 --- p.128 / Chapter 二、 --- 台灣學生運動的「動員」與「不動員」 --- p.130 / Chapter 三、 --- 進一步的硏究方向 --- p.134 / 註釋 --- p.137 / 參考書目 --- p.161

Thesis (M.A. (History)) --University of Limpopo, 2018 / Student activism is a global phenomenon which mostly refers to work by students to cause political, environmental, economic, or social change. Most countries have benefited tremendously from student activism. For example, the students have played a central role in the independence and anti-colonial struggles in most African countries. The dissertation focuses on an exploration of the role played by University of the North student activism in the struggle against apartheid from 1968 to 1994. This was a period which was characterised by an upsurge of the nationalist struggle in South Africa led by political organisations such as the African National Congress (ANC), the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), Azanian People’s Organization (AZAPO) the South African Communist Party (SACP) and United Democratic Front (UDF). Student organisations such as South African Student Organisation (SASO), University Christian Movement (UCM), South African National Students’ Congress (SANSCO), Azanian Student Organisation (AZASO) and many others played a significant role. The dissertation deployed both primary and secondary sources. Secondary data was derived from published and unpublished dissertations, journal articles, newsletters, books and autobiographies. Primary information was obtained through archival materials, official university documents, speeches and, unstructured and interactive interviews in order to provide evidence for the nature and character of student activism in the university. Periodisation theory as articulated by Hollander, Rassuli, Jones and Farlow (2005) was utilised to interpret and illuminate the political struggle activities of the student activists. This theory was the most appropriate frame to tackle student activism because it divides the chronological narrative into separately labelled sequential time periods with distinct beginning and ending points. The investigation reveals that the dominant ideology at the beginning of the period under investigation was Black Consciousness inspired by Steve Biko. However with the lapse of time this ideology was watered down by the liberal ideology which underpinned the Freedom Charter. The student activists operated within organisations such as SASO, UCM, AZASO, SANSCO and many others. The dissertation also reveals that while the students were relatively successful in mobilising the support of rural schools and communities, they also faced vicious repression by the apartheid security establishment. The dissertation lays a solid foundation for further critical historical investigation.

published_or_final_version / Education / Master / Master of Education