by Sing Ming. / Thesis (M.Ph.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1987. / Bibliography: leaves 161-171.

This dissertation explores student environmentalism in Beijing, China. It traces students' political norms and values, explains their activism and experience of pollution, and investigates the role of environmental non-governmental organisation (ENGOs) in forming youth environmentalism. To serve these objectives, the work takes forward theories on youth activism and agency and recent debates on environmental health, environmentalism and ENGOs. This study was designed as a qualitative research project based primarily on interviews and complemented by ethnographic methods, content analysis, pictorial evidence and survey results provided by the Jane Goodall Institute China. Research findings and methodology are presented in four papers and a framing document. My work challenges labels of agency and activism as either protest and resistance or 'quiescence' and questions the influence of globalisation on activists' norms and values. I put forward 'fragmented activism' as a new concept to capture the nature of youth environmental activism in Beijing. I contribute to environmental health literature by tracing how young people develop discursive mechanisms to mitigate the fear of air pollution and argue that their response offers invaluable insights into the interplay between space and the body in polluted environments. This thesis further shows that the repertoire of student environmental associations in Beijing represents a type of 'place based environmentalism' (Smith, 2001) but argues that, whilst this may be a contradictory response to contemporary environmental issues, it is not usefully assessed against abstract and normative notions of what environmentalism should be. I also challenge scholarly assessments of ENGO action. By exploring ENGO strategies in China that rely on extant societal and governmental narratives about good citizenship and moral values - instead of radical alternatives to mainstream development models or political processes - I argue for new research paradigms guiding the study of environmental movements.

The burgeoning scholarship on African youth indicates that young people are experiencing difficulties in attaining social adulthood and spend extended time in waithood - a period of economic and job insecurities that is becoming a permanent marker of their youth, affecting their life trajectories and future aspirations (Honwana, 2012; Locke & te Lintelo, 2012). Youth waithood involves navigating precarious conditions arising under neoliberalism and its economic liberalization reforms, and developing new subjectivities resulting from the acquisition of extra skills set, maintaining social networks, and engaging in new political formations (Jeffrey, 2008). Informed by concepts of neoliberal subjectivities, opportunity spaces, and Bourdieu's forms of capital, I conducted qualitative research with university students in six public universities, and with educated young farmers in Western, Eastern, and Central regions of Kenya. I investigated how Kenyan youth navigate waithood by occupying new opportunity spaces opened up by student environmentalism and agricultural entrepreneurialism - two areas that have been reconfigured by global discourses of environmental change, green jobs, and agricultural transformation. My findings show that the occupational aspirations of educated youth were changing to include navigation strategies of portfolio occupations, tarmacking, and side-hustling. Within the new opportunity spaces, these youth realized neoliberal subjectivities that enabled them to garner capitals through self-making, entrepreneurialism, and reworking of elite distinctions. Student environmentalists' navigation strategies included acquiring environmental knowledge and work experiences; joining networks of environmental professionals; and participating in environmental anti-politics. Educated young farmers embraced ideologies of portfolio occupations and green livelihoods. They also relied on the reconfigurations of gendered identities and the rural-urban divide, competitive individualism, and associational life to rework their occupational aspirations and maintain elite distinctions in society. In sum, negotiating youth waithood is a complex, intertwined, and uncertain process involving flexibilities and chance opportunities to access, maintain, and utilize capitals. The emergent subjectivities remain insecure, unstable and do not necessarily guarantee exiting waithood.

University of the Witwatersrand Faculty of Humanities Political Studies Master’s Research Report, February 2017 / The history of segregation in South Africa is well documented. The shadows of the apartheid system still linger in society to date, especially in the form of racial inequality, race consciousness and racial classification. Contemporary student protests and vandalism in institutions of higher education reveal deep-seated tensions that open a can of worms concerning race and equality – elements that have long been of concern in the Black Consciousness Movement and its ideology in the early 1960s and 70s. This research report assesses how Black Consciousness tenets’ and rhetoric are re-emerging in the current national student movement, from the #RhodesMustFall to the #FeesMustFall movements. Black Consciousness ideology in South Africa, as articulated by Biko, sought the attainment of a radical egalitarian and non-racial society. Amongst some of the espoused principles of the Black Consciousness Movement that defined South African youth politics in the 1970s, is that Black Consciousness emphasised values of black solidarity, self-reliance, individual and collective responsibility, and black liberation. The year 2015 witnessed the resurgence of Black Consciousness language at the forefront of student movements, most notably the #RhodesMustFall and the #FeesMustFall campaigns. The #FeesMustFall movement and its supporters uphold that their cause is legitimate because it does not make sense for household incomes to depreciate next to escalating costs of living and rising tuition fees. It further states that the ANC fears it because its demands stand contrary to ANC-led government’s interests and have accused the ANC of attempting to capture the movement – hence the declaration that #FeesMustFall is a direct critique of the entire socio-economic and political order of the ruling ANC and exposes ANC corruption and betrayal. The movement continues, though its cause tends to be diluted and convoluted, the struggle is real but so is the legacy of Biko and the spirit of Black Consciousness. / MT2018

This research project explored how young women involved in political organizations make sense of apartheid history and how they appropriate that history into their identities. Nine black women students who were involved in political organizations were interviewed from the University of Witswatersrand. The women that were chosen participated in a narrative style interview about their lives and the history of apartheid. The data were then analyzed using narrative thematic analysis and organised in the temporal zones of past, present and future. The analysis revealed the complexities of race, class and gender and how these are embodied, enacted and made sense of in the construction and reconstruction of the identities of these young women. In imagining and reflecting on the apartheid past, race was understood through both distant, public narratives and through personal and intimate family narratives. Gendered roles or positions were talked about in reference to three thematic symbols of women as nurturers, iconic wives and heroes. In progression from the apartheid past and its particular, separated and structured understanding of race and gender, the journey into the present and future, reflects increasingly complex, dynamic and multilayered understandings. In particular, the conflation of race and class under apartheid is beginning to fragment and these young women are thinking through their positionality in terms of personal class mobility and simultaneous identification as black and committed to the continuation of race struggles. It is also very clear that the question of gender equality is now very prominent for these young women as they navigate their roles in political leadership in the present and envisage themselves in the future.

莫麗明. / 打字複印本. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學硏究院新聞與傳播學部. / Da zi fu yin ben. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 97-102). / Mo Liming. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue yan jiu yuan xin wen yu chuan bao xue bu. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、一 --- 前言 --- p.2 / Chapter 一、二 --- 研究目的及範圍 --- p.3 / Chapter 一、三 --- 基本概念 --- p.4 / Chapter 一、四 --- 研究之問題 --- p.6 / Chapter 一、五 --- 研究的特點及限制 --- p.6 / Chapter 一、六 --- 囘顧「一九九七」 --- p.7 / Chapter 第二章 --- 文獻同顧一處境理論 --- p.12 / Chapter 二、一 --- 處境理論簡介 --- p.13 / Chapter 二、二 --- 處境變項和認知處境的類型 --- p.14 / Chapter 二、二、一 --- 問題的認知 --- p.14 / Chapter 二、二、二 --- 問題限制的認知 --- p.15 / Chapter 二、二、三 --- 問題的關切性 --- p.17 / Chapter 二、二、四 --- 参考準則 --- p.18 / Chapter 二、三 --- 傳播行為 --- p.19 / Chapter 二、四 --- 認知類型的傳播行為 --- p.22 / Chapter 二、四、一 --- 認知處境的類型 --- p.22 / Chapter 二、四、二 --- 樂觀型的傳播行為 --- p.24 / Chapter 二、四、三 --- 拘束型的傳播行為 --- p.24 / Chapter 二、四、四 --- 常規型的傳播行為 --- p.25 / Chapter 二、四、五 --- 悲觀型的傳播行為 --- p.25 / Chapter 二、四、六 --- 問題關切性對認知類型的傳播行為之影响 --- p.25 / Chapter 二、四、七 --- 参考架構對認知類型的傳播行為之影响 --- p.26 / Chapter 第三章 --- 研究方法 --- p.27 / Chapter 三、一 --- 基本概念的運作定義 --- p.28 / Chapter 三、二 --- 研究假設 --- p.29 / Chapter 三、二、一 --- 認知類型與傳播行為 --- p.30 / Chapter 三、二、二 --- 問題的關切性與類型的傳播行為 --- p.31 / Chapter 三、二、三 --- 内在参考架構與類型的傳播行為 --- p.31 / Chapter 三、三 --- 測量方法一問卷設計 --- p.32 / Chapter 三、四 --- 抽樣 --- p.34 / Chapter 三、五 --- 資料搜集 --- p.35 / Chapter 三、六 --- 分析方法 --- p.36 / Chapter 笫四章 --- 研究結果 --- p.38 / Chapter 四、一 --- 選樣學生的基本特徵 --- p.39 / Chapter 四、一、一 --- 學生的背景資料 --- p.39 / Chapter 四、一、二 --- 學生對四個處境變項的認知程度 --- p.41 / Chapter 四、一、三 --- 學生的傳播行為 --- p.47 / Chapter 四、二 --- 四種類型的學生分佈及特徵 --- p.52 / Chapter 四、二、一 --- 四種類型的學生分佈情況 --- p.52 / Chapter 四、二、二 --- 不同類型學生的背景資料 --- p.53 / Chapter 四、二、三 --- .不同類型學生對處境變項之認知程度 --- p.56 / Chapter 四、三 --- 不同類型學生的傳播行為 --- p.59 / Chapter 四、三、一 --- 接觸新聞的頻密程度 --- p.59 / Chapter 四、三、二 --- 留意「九七」新聞内容的詳細程度 --- p.62 / Chapter 四、三、三 --- 使用傳媒的頻密程度 --- p.63 / Chapter 四、三、四 --- 傳媒的有效程度 --- p.65 / Chapter 四、三、五 --- 小結 --- p.66 / Chapter 四、四 --- 問題關切性、政治態度、政治興趣對於樂觀型、拘束型兩類學生傳播行為之影响 --- p.67 / Chapter 四、四、一 --- 類型與問題的關切性 --- p.67 / Chapter 四、四、二 --- 類型與政治態度 --- p.68 / Chapter 四、四、三 --- 類型與政治興趣 --- p.69 / Chapter 四、四、四 --- 小結 --- p.70 / Chapter 第五章 --- 研究結果摘要及討論 --- p.72 / Chapter 五、一 --- 樂觀、拘束二型的分佈 --- p.73 / Chapter 五、二 --- 樂觀、拘束二型學生的傳播行為 --- p.74 / Chapter 五、二、一 --- 接觸新聞的頻密程度 --- p.74 / Chapter 五、二、二 --- 留意「九七」新聞及《聯合聲明》内容的詳細程度 --- p.77 / Chapter 五、二、三 --- 使用傳媒的頻密程度 --- p.79 / Chapter 五、二、四 --- 傳媒的有效程度 --- p.81 / Chapter 五、三 --- 干涉變項對樂觀，拘束二型學生的傳播行為之影响 --- p.83 / Chapter 五、三、一 --- 問題的關切性 --- p.83 / Chapter 五、三、二 --- 對中共的政治態度 --- p.84 / Chapter 五、三、三 --- 對政治的興趣 --- p.84 / Chapter 笫六章 --- 總結及建議 --- p.92 / Chapter 六、一 --- 總結 --- p.93 / Chapter 六、二 --- 建議 --- p.94 / 參考書目 --- p.96 / Chapter 附錄I --- 圖表 --- p.103 / Chapter 附錄II --- 問卷 --- p.136

The past few months have seen our courageous youth take to the streets to demonstrate their disgust against this system of exploitation and oppression. This militant fervour has touched many young hearts and minds. However, there is always the danger that these energies will burn out and dissipate. Demoralisation can so easily set in if these energies are not constructively channeled. "Channeled into what?” you may ask. ORGANISATIONS. It is only through strong organisations which attempt to give guidance and direction that meaningful action can be undertaken. The WCYL recognises the important need for students to begin to discuss broader issues such as The History of Struggle in S.A. or The Nature of S.A. Society. It is only when students begin to grapple with broader issues such as these, together with more specific ones, in a co-ordinated manner, will their actions be more effective. To this end has "GET ORGANISED" been designed. The handbook is intended as a guide for students in their efforts to organise SRC’s, awareness programmes, among other things, in schools.

Although the political participation and representation of women has been increasing in South Africa, in other political sectors, this is debatable. In other words, the transformed nature of South African government institutions suggests that in politics, gender transformation has been achieved. While this may be true of the national government, the same is the contested terrain in as far as other levels of political activism are concerned. For example, a look at student politics raises questions on the idea that there is gender equality in South Africa political sphere. Furthermore, there is an assumption that when women are in governance, they use their positions to influence policies to be responsive to issues that affect women. Even this is a highly contested debate, particularly in the context of student politics. In the context of South African institutions of higher learning, Student Representative Council (SRC) is a body through which students are represented in governance of such institutions. In most institutions of higher learning, SRCs have been dominated by male students. However, there has been development which has seen more women getting into SRCs, and this development is credited to policies of individual institutions as well as that of the student political movements which provide for gender transformation. The genesis of gender transformation in student politics has been on the question of presence. In other words, the focus has been on ensuring that women are part of the composition of the SRCs (descriptive representation). And when descriptive representation has been achieved, the focus will extend to the notion of substantive representation. It was therefore important for this study to use a specific institution, University of Kwa Zulu Natal (UKZN) and explore the composition of its SRC with the aim establishing whether the representation of women is descriptive or substantive in nature or even both. The point of entry was to acknowledge the presence of women in the SRC. In exploring the nature of their representation, the researcher focused on how they engage their political movements and the mandates thereof in order to advocate for the feminization of policies. The findings of this study firstly reveal that the SRC of UKZN has not achieved the descriptive representation of women, let alone the substantive one. This needs to be elucidated on. While there are some women in the SRC, their number is too small which is 10 out of 60 and that equals to 16.6%. Politics being the game of numbers, this would naturally make it hard for women to exert a lot of influence. Furthermore, this is a lot less than the target of the vanguard political movements. Secondly, of all the women that are in the SRC, only a small number of women indicated to be contributing a lot of substance in promoting the gender transformation agenda. What separates these women from others is political experience and will power which may translate into capacity. However, the same cannot be said of the other women. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban 2013.

by Stephen Eugene Parr. / Typescript. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 445-456).

Orientador: Eliane Moura da Silva / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T09:42:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pellicciotta_MirzaMariaBaffi_D.pdf: 6552871 bytes, checksum: 7bf241f6a9db428b5707fa63db1ff3a8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: A tese Liberdade... e Luta. Considerações sobre uma trajetória política (anos 1970) procura resgatar e refletir sobre a trajetória política de uma tendência estudantil de matriz trotskista (lambertista) que cumpriu um papel destacado na reconstituição e transformação do movimento estudantil brasileiro na década de 1970. Como tendência imersa numa década repressiva, a Liberdade e Luta (vinculada à Organização Socialista Internacionalista/OSI) partilhou da emergência de novas experiências de ação política que, entre outros aspectos, orientou-se pela construção de "alternativas" para a sociedade e a universidade brasileira, chegando a promover formas originais de ação coletiva, críticas a certas formulações e práticas das militâncias de esquerda ao mesmo tempo que sensíveis a presença de experiências contraculturais no interior da Universidade de São Paulo. Em seu percurso de formação e desenvolvimento, encontramos marcas de transformação do movimento social dos estudantes (forçado a enfrentar novos desafios e a construir novas experiências), bem como dos desafios de leitura e recomposição experimentadas pelas organizações de esquerda em seus esforços de recompor e reestruturar projetos e ações políticas. Mais do que isso, a trajetória desta tendência estudantil nos dá pistas da confluência de inúmeros processos que redundaram não apenas numa recomposição original do movimento estudantil, mas na emergência de novas experiências - de teor político-cultural - em meio à sociedade civil e as esquerdas brasileiras / Abstract: The thesis Freedom ... and Struggle. Considerations on a political career (year1970) seeks to recover and reflect on the political trajectory of a Trotskyist tendency student matrix (Lambert) who played an important role in the reconstruction and transformation of the Brazilian student movement in the 1970s. The trend immersed in a decade of repression and Freedom Struggle (linked to the Internationalist Socialist Organization / OSI) shared the experiences of the emergence of new political action, among other things, guided by the construction of "alternative" to society and the Brazilian university , arriving to promote original forms of collective action, critical of certain formulations and practices of leftist activism while sensitive to the presence of countercultural experience within the University of São Paulo. In his course of training and development, we find marks the transformation of students' social movement (forced to face new challenges and build new experiences), as well as the challenges of reading and resetting experienced by left-wing organizations in their efforts to rebuild and restructure projects policies and actions. More than that, the trajectory of this trend in student gives clues to the confluence of several processes that not only resulted in a restoration of the original student movement, but the emergence of new experiences - from political and cultural content - in the midst of civil society and the left Brazil / Doutorado / Historia Cultural / Doutor em História