Le Caucase est souvent vu comme une région morcelée, en proie à des rivalités géopolitiques et à des nationalismes virulents. Cette recherche propose de rompre avec ces perceptions, en relisant son histoire récente. Elle reconstitue la trajectoire des confins de la Turquie, de l’Iran et de la Russie dans le premier tiers du 20e siècle, en présentant d’abord une histoire des circulations transfrontalière au cours de cette période de révolutions, de conflits et de bouleversements politiques. L’étude de la frontière caucasienne est mise au service d’une analyse des formes d’autonomie politico-administrative dans ces confins. Les institutions régionales puissantes qui s’appuient sur l’ouverture de la frontière jusqu’à la fin des années 1930 jouent un rôle majeur dans les évolutions intérieures des empires, mais aussi dans les relations interétatiques. Elites régionales et consuls en poste dans la région donnent naissance une véritable paradiplomatie caucasienne. Cette diplomatie frontalière est une ressource pour les élites régionales dans leurs rapports de force avec les gouvernements centraux, et énonce des enjeux très différents de ceux des diplomaties centrales : migrations, questions policières et judiciaires, défis environnementaux constituent certains des champs de cette coopération entre Etats, qui donne lieu à des influences et échanges peu connus. En les mettant en lumière, cette recherche suggère de dépasser une historiographie centrée sur l’impérialisme des puissances. On ne peut comprendre l’histoire caucasienne sans mettre au premier plan ses acteurs régionaux et leur capacité à se positionner dans les interstices de politiques étatiques et de territoires impériaux. / The Caucasus is often perceived as a fragmented area, dominated by geopolitical rivalries and rabid nationalisms. This research attempts to break with such an interpretation by rethinking its recent history. It reconstructs the shared dynamics of the Caucasian borderlands between Turkey, Iran and Russia in the first third of the 20th century, by presenting a history of cross-border circulations in this moment of revolutions, conflicts and political upheavals. This study of border interactions is inserted into a wider analysis of political-administrative autonomy in these borderlands. Until the late 1930s, powerful autonomous institutions rely upon the open Caucasian border and play a major role within each empire and between them. Regional elites and consular networks give rise to a genuine Caucasian paradiplomacy. This border diplomacy creates resources for regional elites in the balance of powers with central governments and focuses on issues neglected by a focus on central diplomacies: migrations, police and judicial matters, environmental challenges are but a few of these fields which foster interstate cooperation, enabling little-known influences and exchanges. By highlighting them, this dissertation suggests a way to go beyond a historiography of great powers imperialism. It contends that Caucasian history cannot be properly understood without putting at the forefront regional actors and their ability to exploits the interstices of state policies and imperial territories.

This thesis revolves around the subject of fake news, a phenomenon that has been highly discussed with the advent of the internet-based media. It aims to shed light on the problem of fake news and its implications in the Turkish mainstream media by mainly departing from the discourse theory, as well as by using additional theoretical approaches over fake news and media in polarized settings. In that sense, five research questions were developed to understand how fake news items disseminate in the Turkish media ecosystem, and what this could mean for the Turkish mainstream media specifically from the contexts of political partisanship and polarization. In order to answer the research questions, a total number of 687 fake news items have been analyzed in three different data sets. After providing an overall picture of the problem of fake news in the Turkish media ecosystem, the thesis specifically focuses on fake news items that circulate within the Turkish mainstream media. Overall, 77 fake news items are further subjected to an analysis of discourse activity schema in order to find out the narratives that the fake news items are connected to the Turkish political and social context. The research shows that the use of fake news items in the Turkish mainstream media indicates divergent and conflicting epistemologies over certain social and political themes, which are government- opposition divide, secular religious divide, economy, and education. Moreover, the research also indicates that certain social and political themes are under the discursive hegemony of certain groups within the Turkish mainstream media organizations. These themes are found to be anti-immigration, anti-US, anti-Israel, and FETO. Eventually, two main points are discussed in relation to the given theoretical background. First, the problem of fake news in the Turkish mainstream media indicates a damaged understanding of journalism in the country, which requires a reorientation and reexamination. Second, media in polarized settings may increase partisan alignments and divergent epistemologies, which can lead to the use of fake news items in order to empower certain agendas.

Thesis advisor: James T. Bretzke / Starting from the reality that we all live in multicultural pluralistic societies, and as such we cannot ignore each other but all must share our respective religious-cultural heritages and learn from one and another, this dissertation argues that although the theological dialogue among religions is to be promoted and developed constantly, we also have to give major space to other forms of dialogue, namely a dialogue based on bioethical issues and/or daily life-related problems that is part of our everyday religious experience. Therefore, in order to show this is possible, although with many difficulties to be faced along the way, the dissertation proposes disability as a common ground for Muslim-Christian dialogue and collaboration in the context of Turkey. The dissertation is structured into four chapters. Chapter I is focused on some characteristics of interreligious dialogue and, more particularly, on Muslim-Christian dialogue and disability. This chapter provides a broad descriptive introduction and establishes the framework within which these are considered: i.e., The Republic of Turkey, Islam and the presence of the Latin Catholic Church in Turkey. The chapter begins with a review of the foundations and history of the development of interreligious dialogue in the Catholic Church. Next, it proceeds with a presentation of Turkey and the major actors of Muslim-Christian dialogue in the country. Then, it concludes with a global focus on the situation of disability in Turkey. Chapters II and III are dedicated, respectively, to the Muslim and Catholic Church’s perspectives on disability, and so, share the same structure: Following general introductions to Islam and the Catholic Church, they analyze the Scriptures of their respective traditions, the Quran and the Bible, and their other major sources such as the Hadith and Islamic law in the former, and the Code of Canon Law, the Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church, and the Catechism of the Catholic Church in the latter. By focusing on various topics such as marriage of persons with disabilities, abortion of disabled fetus, Christian initiation and access to the sacraments, degrees of disabilities as impediment for priestly ordination, these two chapters aim to find the reverberations of the scriptural narratives in the teachings of these two traditions. After examining the historical development of some theodicy approaches to the dilemma of human suffering, the problem of evil, the existence of disabilities and God’s love, and wisdom and justice, this chapter ends by highlighting some applications in their contemporary contexts. In this regard, Chapter II presents two examples from Turkey: the controversial Muslim cleric Fethullah Gülen’s approach to people with disabilities as “garip” (piteous, pitiful) and Muslim-Turkish scholar Mustafa Naci Kula’s research on the relationship between attitudes toward persons with disabilities and religious attitudes, which has provided considerable insight on the perception of disability in Turkish society. Parallel to this, Chapter III presents a Catholic figure, Nancy Mairs, who, in her writings, by dealing with personal disabilities, offers a contemporary version of classical theodicy approaches found in Catholic teaching in thinkers such as Augustine, Aquinas, and Irenaeus. The final chapter, Chapter IV, by the method of comparison, highlights relevant commonalities and differences and proceeds by discussing some relevant issues related to Muslim-Christian dialogue. Then, by reflecting on how disability can be a common ground on which to build fertile dialogue and collaboration, it concludes with a proposal which privileges five among many other possible topics: (1) Sin and disability seen as punishment; (2) Consanguineous marriages (3rd and 4th degree); (3) Abortion as a method to prevent birth of potentially disabled child; (4) Abuse of disabled women and children; and, (5) Charity and praying together. The first topic is based on the conviction that disability is given by God as a punishment for sin; it is one of the major beliefs that is shared among Muslims and Christians. The second, third and fourth topics are related to some social problems in Turkish society, namely, consanguineous marriages, abortion as a prevention of potentially disabled children, and the abuse of women and children with disabilities. Finally, the fifth topic aims at constructing dialogue and collaboration between Muslims and Christians through charitable works in Turkey. These topics are points related to the four main forms of dialogue proposed by Dialogue and Proclamation (1991) of Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue, which are considered in this dissertation in a three-fold version: (1) Theological dialogue; (2) Dialogue of life experience and action; and, (3) Dialogue based on religious life experience. / Thesis (STD) — Boston College, 2017. / Submitted to: Boston College. School of Theology and Ministry. / Discipline: Sacred Theology.

Thesis advisor: Stephen J. Pfohl / The Gezi Park protests, which started in May 2013 in Istanbul, rapidly turned into a movement for democracy across the country. Through in-depth interviews with protestors in Turkey, observation and content analysis, my research examines the role digital technologies played in the protests. These technologies, especially social networking tools, were used by protestors to construct personalized frameworks and forms of action. I show that this process depended on the individuals’ interpretations of their current political and cultural context, their alternative frameworks of reality. By expressing these frameworks individuals, first and foremost, challenged the politico-cultural adjustment of the society by various powerful actors. Moreover, as individuals got together in protest, alternative frameworks of reality interacted, leading to the emergence of empathy and dialogue among the protestors for long-term movement success. Digital technologies provided the necessary alternative sources for news and other information for the reconstruction of these frameworks. Moreover, they became the primary space for the production and circulation of jokes in various forms, as protestors used humor and creativity as central strategies to voice their dissent. Affective and humorous creations challenged the discipline of the political authority, hacked its presentations of reality and contributed to the formation of a carnivalesque society, where empathy and dialogue were maintained through collective effervescence. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2017. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Sociology.

The North Anatolian Fault Zone (NAFZ) in Turkey is a major continental strike-slip fault, 1200 km long and with a current slip rate of 25 mm/yr. Historical records show that the NAFZ is capable of producing high-magnitude earthquakes, activating different segments of the fault in a westward progression. Currently, the NAFZ poses a major seismic hazard for the city of Istanbul, which is situated close to one of the two strands into which the fault splays in northwestern Turkey. Understanding of fault zone structure and properties at depth is essential to constrain where deformation occurs within the lithosphere and how strain localises with depth. In fact, geodynamic models explaining surface deformation require knowledge of the width and depth extent of the fault zone in both the crust and upper mantle. In this framework, this thesis aims to provide better constraints on fault zone geometry within the lithosphere. To achieve this objective P and S wave teleseismic tomography have been applied to the data recorded by a dense array of broadband seismic stations (DANA, Dense Array for Northern Anatolia); through teleseismic tomography it was possible to image the NAFZ structure in both the crust and uppermost mantle. In addition, joint inversion i of P-wave teleseismic data and local earthquake data collected using the same array provided a greatly improved resolution within the upper 20 km of the crust. Results from this work highlighted the presence of a shear zone associated to the northern branch of the NAFZ in the study area. The fault zone appears to be 15 km wide within the upper crust and narrows to < 10 km within the lower crust and to Moho depth. In the uppermost mantle its width is constrained to be 30 to 50 km.

O deslocamento forçado de pessoas em decorrência de conflitos bélicos, dentre outros motivos, constitui um dos dramas mais impactantes da nossa época. Após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, os direitos humanos passam a possuir um grau mais alto de juridicidade, concretude, positividade e eficácia, e entre os direitos humanos positivados encontram-se os direitos dos refugiados. O princípio de non-refoulement, sedimentado na Convenção de 1951 sobre refugiados, expressa que um indivíduo perseguido não pode ser devolvido ao seu perseguidor. Existem interpretações jurídicas destoantes em relação a este princípio. Isto se deve à falta de conceitos comuns e pacíficos sobre os termos constituintes deste instituto, além de discussões referentes à aplicação territorial. Os instrumentos internacionais de proteção ao refugiado foram estabelecidos em decorrência de situações específicas dos países desenvolvidos. A partir disso, os desafios humanitários e relativos a populações deslocadas se alteraram no decorrer do último século, e os instrumentos legais internacionais não evoluíram de forma a prevenir a erosão da proteção efetiva a essa população minoritária. O presente trabalho propõe-se a realizar uma análise do Direito Internacional dos Refugiados na perspectiva da União Europeia atual. O objeto central do trabalho é duplo: (1) o estudo do instituto do refúgio, a análise de seus fundamentos jurídicos, com foco no princípio de non-refoulement, com uma breve explanação sobre a sua evolução histórica e fontes e (2) a análise do acordo UE-TURQUIA, o qual prevê a Turquia como país terceiro seguro. Os institutos de terceiro país seguro e primeiro país de asilo são atenuantes do princípio de non-refoulement. A análise da Turquia como país terceiro seguro terá como base os conceitos sedimentados na Diretiva Europeia referente aos procedimentos de Asilo. / The forced displacement of people as a result of war conflicts is one of the most shocking dramas of our time. After World War II, human rights have a higher degree of juridicity, concreteness and effectiveness. The principle of non-refoulement, the most important right codified in the 1951 Convention on Refugees, states that a persecuted individual cannot be returned towards his persecutor. There are different legal interpretations in relation to this principle. This is due to the lack of common and established concepts about the constituent terms of this institute, as well as discussions regarding to territorial application. International refugee protection instruments were settled as a result of specific situations in developed countries. Hence, humanitarian and displacement challenges have shifted over the past century, and international legal instruments have not evolved to ensure the effective protection for this minority population. The present work proposes to carry out an analysis of the International Refugee Law from the perspective of the current situation in European Union. The central object of the work is twofold: (1) the study of the refuge institute, the analysis of its legal foundations, focusing on the principle of non-refoulement, with a brief explanation of its historical evolution and sources; (2) The EU-TURKEY agreement, which establishes Turkey as a safe third country. The institutes of safe third country and first country of asylum assuages the principle of non-refoulement. The analysis of Turkey as a safe third country will be based on the concepts laid down in the European Directive on Asylum Procedures.

In this dissertation, I illustrate how the governance of archaeology in Turkey from the beginning of the modern state until the present day has shaped knowledge about the past. I analyze development plans, laws, repatriation efforts, UNESCO World Heritage Site nominations, and the distribution of research permits as tools of governmental policies. I also investigate educational structures to demonstrate how state policies have shaped public understanding of the value of archaeology. In its earliest years, as part of its nation building efforts, the Republic encouraged research on cultural diffusion at major Bronze Age sites. Witnessing the use of similar approaches to justify racist claims during World War II, archaeologists in Turkey distanced themselves from political agendas. Throughout the 1950s, practitioners focused solely on studying the human past without privileging other agendas. From the late 1960s - 1990s, state policies emphasized archaeology's touristic value, treating cultural heritage as an economic good. This meant a continued focus on impressive architectural monuments found primarily at Classical sites. Requests to investigate other eras and cultures, including Islamic and Turkish sites as well as regions with multi-ethnic pasts such as southeastern and eastern Anatolia and the Black Sea coast, were limited to restoration and rescue projects. After 2002, the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party) government continued to link archaeology with tourism via World Heritage nominations. It also moved deliberately to use archaeology as a tool of political authority by limiting permits and funds to certain sites and by connecting foreign research permits with strong-arm repatriation tactics. While the number of excavations in previously under-explored areas of the country increased, government policies positioned archaeological sites as strategic chips in international diplomacy. In today's Turkey, archaeology is both an economic and a diplomatic commodity. I demonstrate how the ideal of the discipline as the scientific study of the human past has been exploited to serve political ends. This study serves as both a full historical analysis and also a cautionary tale, illustrating how powerful forces can frame, occlude, and ultimately undermine our collective ability to understand the past.

Aspergillus fumigatus est un agent pathogène respiratoire majeur chez les oiseaux d’ornement comme de production. L’aspergillose qui peut être responsable de mortalités importantes et de chutes de performances est difficile à traiter. Nous avons développé un modèle d’aspergillose aiguë chez le dindonneau en inoculant différents lots d’oiseaux âgés de moins d’une semaine via une aérosolisation intratrachéale de doses croissantes de conidies (105 à 108/animal) en utilisant un MicroSprayer®. Le développement de la masse fongique a été évalué par qPCR, dosage du galactomannane (GM), culture fongique et évaluation histopathologique dans le but de comparer les résultats obtenus en fonction du nombre de conidies inoculées. Une mortalité significative a été observée dans les 4 jours suivant l’inoculation uniquement pour l’inoculum le plus concentré. Les résultats des différents marqueurs du développement du champignon (culture, qPCR et GM), sont très bien corrélés avec la dose de l’inoculum administrée. Les moyennes d’équivalents conidies/g de poumon obtenues par qPCR étaient 1,3 log10 plus importantes que les numérations obtenues par culture sur gélose. Ce nouveau modèle incluant une combinaison inédite de biomarqueurs chez la dinde a été utilisé pour évaluer l’efficacité de l’énilconazole, seule molécule utilisée en élevage avicole pour lutter contre l’aspergillose / Aspergillus fumigatus remains a major respiratory pathogen in both ornamental and poultry. Aspergillosis can be responsible for high mortality rates and induces significant economic losses, particularly in turkey production, and it is still difficult to treat. We developed a new model of acute aspergillosis in young turkeys by inoculating few-days-old turkeys via intratracheal aerosolization with increasing concentrations (105 up to 108) of conidia using a MicroSprayer® device. The fungal burden was assessed and compared by real-time PCR, galactomannan (GM) dosage, fungal colony (CFU) counting and by histopathology. Early death occurred in the first 96 h post-inoculation only at the highest inoculum dose. We observed a correlation between inoculum size and results obtained by real-time PCR, GM dosage and CFU counting. The mean fungal burden detected by qPCR was 1.3 log10 units higher than the mean values obtained by CFU measurement. Furthermore, this new model, with its unique combination of markers, has been used to evaluate the efficacy of enilconazole

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / Turkey emerged from the Lausanne Conference free but isolated. The Lausanne Treaty gave her, within her narrowed borders, a sovereignty that the later Ottoman Empire had not known. The economic and judicial capitulations were abolished. The British, French and Italian zone were forgotten. But the Allied Powers remained hostile; they begrudged the Angora regime the treaty revision which it had wrestled from them. Soviet Russia was friendly, but the much vaunted Russo-Turkish relation was largely a solidarity of outcasts. The young Republic's isolation was brought into relief by its first diplomatic crisis. In December 1925, the Council of the League of Nations awarded the Mosul Vilayet to Great Britain's protege Iraq. There was speculation whether the Turks would try to recover the province by force. France announced her solidarity with Britain. Greece appeared ready for a war of revenge; and Mussolini left his balcony to speak from the deck of a battleship. Soviet Russia promised neutrality, nothing more [TRUNCATED]

Once declared as a habitual relic of ‘the Third World’ countries, patrimonial regimes have re-emerged on a global scale. Even in the fully bureaucratized states, patrimonial relations made a convincing comeback. How did patrimonialism, which used to be condemned as an artifact from a distant past, prove to be so tenacious, even resurgent in the current global political economy? How does modern capitalism, which emerges painfully out of the crucible of patrimonial states and empires, become, once again, a patrimonial formation? What makes patrimonial-type regimes resilient? In pursuit of this question, the dissertation analyzes the historical-social conditions of possibility for the longevity and resilience of the Ottoman Empire –a patrimonial and bureaucratic empire that ruled a vastly diverse population of people spread over three continents and did so with relative peace and stability. How did the Ottomans keep their patriarchal core and its patrimonial organization intact for six centuries? The research finds three elements that contributed to the maintenance of the empire’s patrimonial formation: adab, an Islamic tradition of professionalism, good manners, and moral propriety; a patrimonial status elite (devşirme) composed of men separated from their non-Muslim parents at childhood and carefully cultivated as Ottoman Sunni Muslims and employed in various capacities for state service; and third, a specialized apparatus of the patriarchal state, the imperial palace schools formed as a network around the main academy at the Topkapi Palace, the Enderûn-ı Hümâyûn. The dissertation focuses on the life, curricula, and pedagogy at the Enderûn campus. As part of the imperial academy’s courtly habitus the Islamic tradition of adab was central to the students’ upbringing and cultivation. How did this historically unique combination of (tradition, status, and apparatus) contribute to the Ottoman Empire’s structural stability and organizational endurance?