Un festival tel que le Festival des fantômes de Keelung Zhongyuanjie est un fait religieux, esthétique et de communication qui assure des fonctions de transmission des pratiques et des valeurs ainsi que des fonctions symboliques de régulation des relations entre groupes sociaux et de diffusion des représentations. Dans cet espace-temps spécial les cadres de la vie collective et les identités sont en permanence décomposées et recomposées selon une dynamique qui évolue avec le temps. Les individus y jouent temporairement, au sein des clans, un rôle social qui ne dépend pas directement de leur statut social, de leur niveau de richesse, de leur origine ethnique ou provinciale, et même les appartenances religieuses sont associées dans des pratiques syncrétiques. Les festivals traditionnels de Taïwan ont évolué au cours du XXe siècle. A l’origine une double fonction dominait : sociale – il s’agissait d’assurer une cohabitation harmonieuse entre clans – et religieuse – il s’agissait d’assurer une relation apaisée avec les âmes des disparus. Au cours du XXe siècle le festival s’est transformé pour intégrer la nouvelle culture nationale dominante. Au début du XXIe siècle le renforcement de l’identité culturelle taiwanaise est devenu une priorité politique. Les autorités ont œuvré à la promotion d’un ensemble de festivals rassemblés sous le nom de « Festivals d’art de Formose ». Un de ces festivals, la fête des fantômes de Keelung Zhongyunjie, qui était jusqu’alors plutôt traditionnelle et folklorique, a dès lors connu une telle expansion qu’elle est devenue un festival d’art national. Cette étude traite du processus qui voit la mutation de la Fête des Fantômes de Keelung Zhongyuanjie en festival. Des facteurs tels que la mondialisation de l’économie, les mutations technologiques et la dynamique des politiques publiques se combinent pour modifier le modèle original qui passe d’une dominante cultuelle à une dominante culturelle. Ce processus à l’œuvre ne se comprend que dans le cadre des transformations plus générales de l’identité nationale taïwanaise au XXIe siècle. / A festival such as the Keelung Zhongyuanjie Ghost Festival is a religious, aesthetic and communication event that provides functions of transmitting practices, value and symbols, regulating relations between social groups and dissemination of representations. In this special space-time framework, collective life and identities are constantly decomposed and recomposed according to the dynamics that has evolved over time. Meanwhile, individuals play temporary social roles within the clans regardless of their social status, level of wealth, ethnic or provincial origin, and even religious affiliations. In the festival, the social status of the individual is associated with practices of syncretism.Traditional festivals in Taiwan have evolved over the 20th century. At first, a dual social function dominated. On the one hand, it was to ensure a harmonious cohabitation between clans and religion. On the other hand, it was to ensure a peaceful relationship with the souls of the deceased. However, the essence of the religious activity has been transformed with time. Throughout the twentieth century, the festival has been compatibly integrated with a new dominant national culture. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, strengthening Taiwan's cultural identity became a political priority. The authorities promoted a series of festivals, all of which were officially called "Formosa Art Festivals". One of them,“The Keelung Zhongyuanjie Ghost Festival”, has expanded so much from the traditional and folkloric realm that it has become a national art festival.This study discusses the process of the transformation of Keelung Zhongyuanjie Ghost Festival. Some factors, such as the globalization of the economy, the change of technology and the dynamics of public policies, combine to support the change of the original model from a folk ceremony to an art festival. This research not only elaborates the transformations of the festival but also explores the formation of Taiwan's national identity in the twenty-first century.

Between 1945 and 1987, as part of its efforts to impose a Chinese identity on native-born Taiwanese and to establish and maintain hegemony, Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang (KMT) government pursued a unilingual, Mandarin-only policy in education. This thesis studies the changing meaning of “becoming Taiwanese” by examining the school experiences of four generations of Taiyu speakers who went to school during the Mandarin-only era: 1) those who also went to school under the Japanese; 2) those who went to school before 1949 when Taiwan was part of KMT-controlled China; 3) those who went to school during the 1950s at the height of the implementation of KMT rule; and, 4) those who went to school when Mandarin had become the dominant language. Two data types, interviews and public documents, are analyzed using two research methods, focus group interviews as the primary one, and document analysis as the secondary one. This research found that there is no direct relationship between how people negotiated language, hegemony and Taiwanese identity. First, as KMT hegemony became more secure, people’s links to their home language became weaker, so their view of Taiwanese identity as defined by Taiyu changed. Second, as exposure to hegemonic forces deepened over time, people were less able to find cultural spaces that allowed escape from hegemonic influences, and this, along with other life-course factors such as occupation, had an impact on their contestations of language and identity. The study recognizes the role of human agency and highlights the interactive and performative aspects of identity construction. The results reflect the different possibilities of living with hegemony in different eras, and also show that Taiwanese identity is not fixed, nor is there a single, “authentic” Taiwanese identity.

The aim of this study is to investigate the sociolinguistic hierarchy between Mandarin Chinese and Southern Min Chinese in Taiwan, or the linguistic hegemony of Mandarin Chinese in Taiwan. Of particular interest is the relationship between the language of the majority and the new Taiwanese identity forged presumably by democratization. Taiwan is an island that has been occupied by a variety of ethnic groups, causing it to be linguistically diverse. Japanese colonization of Taiwan was put to an end in the wake the two atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Japan. Mandarin Chinese became the official language of Taiwan in 1945. Nevertheless, the primary Chinese language spoken by ethnic Chinese was not Mandarin Chinese but Southern Min Chinese, also known as Taiwanese. Consequently, oppression of Southern Min Chinese and its speakers became inevitable. Sociolinguistic norms seemingly began to spawn rapidly, turning Mandarin Chinese into the mainstream language associated with the educated, intellectual, and upper class, while stigmatizing Southern Min as low class, uneducated and vulgar. As with obliteration of the oppressions on the institutional level, the transformation of such norms does not seem to stop in social contexts. It instead carries on in a more subtle way. Moreover, under the rule of Kuomingtang (KMT), democratization came unprecedentedly into the history of Taiwan. A new Taiwanese identity thus is assumed to be associated with democratization and is fundamentally different from Taiwanese identities constructed in the past. However, such a superordinate identity is deeply problematic due to its Chinese centric nature that is likely to impose ideologies and values onto other ethnic groups in Taiwan causing social inequality. Therefore, identifying ideologies and values imposed onto the Taiwanese identity by the majority, Benshengren (本省人), is crucial in addressing social issues. Accordingly this research also goes on investigating what it means to be Taiwanese to the Taiwanese majority, Benshengren (本省人).

Between 1945 and 1987, as part of its efforts to impose a Chinese identity on native-born Taiwanese and to establish and maintain hegemony, Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang (KMT) government pursued a unilingual, Mandarin-only policy in education. This thesis studies the changing meaning of “becoming Taiwanese” by examining the school experiences of four generations of Taiyu speakers who went to school during the Mandarin-only era: 1) those who also went to school under the Japanese; 2) those who went to school before 1949 when Taiwan was part of KMT-controlled China; 3) those who went to school during the 1950s at the height of the implementation of KMT rule; and, 4) those who went to school when Mandarin had become the dominant language. Two data types, interviews and public documents, are analyzed using two research methods, focus group interviews as the primary one, and document analysis as the secondary one. This research found that there is no direct relationship between how people negotiated language, hegemony and Taiwanese identity. First, as KMT hegemony became more secure, people’s links to their home language became weaker, so their view of Taiwanese identity as defined by Taiyu changed. Second, as exposure to hegemonic forces deepened over time, people were less able to find cultural spaces that allowed escape from hegemonic influences, and this, along with other life-course factors such as occupation, had an impact on their contestations of language and identity. The study recognizes the role of human agency and highlights the interactive and performative aspects of identity construction. The results reflect the different possibilities of living with hegemony in different eras, and also show that Taiwanese identity is not fixed, nor is there a single, “authentic” Taiwanese identity.

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台灣和中國大陸於2010年六月正式簽署「經濟合作架構協議」（ECFA）。無疑地，這是兩岸交流有史以來規模最大、最具官方性質的制度性協商。在象徵意義上，意味著兩岸經濟整合邁入一個嶄新的階段。在實質意義上，透過早期收穫計畫的制度安排，使得兩岸之間的部分貨品和服務享有關稅調降的特殊待遇，對於台灣的整體經濟和部分產業具有立即性的影響。因此，本文旨在探討兩岸簽署ECFA前後，台灣民眾的統獨態度有無發生變化？在影響選民統獨態度因素中，有長期穩定與短期變動，也有感性與理性面向，選民對於兩岸簽訂ECFA的經濟效應評估又扮演了何種角色？最後，隨著兩岸經濟整合的腳步加速，理性層次的麵包效應又是否可能抵銷情感認同的作用？ 本研究使用2008年到2012年「台灣選舉與民主化調查」的定群追蹤資料（panel data），並以「固定與隨機效果並用法」（hybrid method of fixed and random effect model）來分析兩個時間點民眾統獨立場的動態變化。研究結果發現從08年到12年這段時間，民眾的統獨立場呈現往現狀/統一方向移動的趨勢，儘管變化的量不大，但在統計上卻是顯著的。在兩個時間點的動態架構中，選民對於ECFA經濟效益評估的態度變化，不僅與統獨立場的變遷模式與變化方向互相連動，在控制其他變數之後，ECFA經濟評估的態度變化對於統獨立場也有獨立性的影響效果。最後，當短期經濟利益和情感認同相互牴觸時，ECFA經濟的效果甚至會削弱感性認同的作用力。這意味在給定台灣人認同沒有改變的情況下，民眾仍有可能因為簽署ECFA的經濟因素而移動其統獨立場。因此，隨著兩岸經濟整合日益加深，影響個人統獨態度中理性層面利害考量的因素應該予以重視。 / The Taiwanese government has signed the ECFA with China in June 2010. Undoubtedly, ECFA is one of the largest and most official institutional negotiations in the history of cross-strait interactions and exchanges. Signing ECFA with China not only represents that cross-strait economic integration has entered into a new stage, through the arrangements of early harvest program, its impacts on Taiwan’s economy and industry are also immediate. Accordingly, this study aims to explore whether Taiwan people’s attitude toward the independence/unification changed or not after signing ECFA? How the economic inducement from China affect Taiwanese voters’ policy stances on independence/unification issue? Finally, as the accelerated pace of cross-strait economic integration, whether economic factors such as ECFA evaluation may offset the effects of emotional identity on the issue of independence/unification? By using individual panel data from ‘Taiwan Election and Democratization Study’ (TEDS), and taking advantage of hybrid method of fixed and random effect model, the empirical results show that respondents in 2012 are statistically significantly more inclined to maintain status quo or unification in comparison with their attitudes in 2008. Moreover, the attitudinal change of ECFA evaluation are not only systematically associated with the change of policy stance on independence/unification issue, it also reveals independent effect in the statistical model after controlling for other variables. Finally, although emotional affective identity is an important factor to determine public’s policy stances on the issue of Independence/Unification, its effects have begun to weaken especially when the economic interests are large and visible. The implication is that we shouldn’t underestimate the logic importance of political economy played in the trend of regional economic integration, and short-term economic fluctuations may have influence on long-term affective identity.