This dissertation studies different social aspects of terrorists and terrorist organizations in an effort to better deal with terrorism, especially in the long run. The researcher, who also worked as a Police Captain at Turkish National Police Anti-Terrorism Department, seeks solutions to today's global problem by studying both literature and a Delphi examination of a survey of 1070 imprisoned terrorists. The research questions include questions such as "What are the reasons behind terrorism?", "Why does terrorism occur?", "What ideologies provide the framework for terrorist violence?, "Why do some individuals become terrorists and others do not?" and "Under what conditions will terrorists end their violence?" The results of the study presents the complexity of the terrorism problem as a social experience and impossibility of a single solution or remedy for the global problem of terrorism. The researcher through his examination of the findings of the data, presented that terrorism is a social phenomenon with criminal consequences that needs to be dealt by means of two dimensional approaches. The first is the social dimension of terrorism and the second is the criminal dimension of terrorism. Based on this, the researcher constructed a conceptual model which addresses both of these dimensions under the titles of long-term solutions and short-term solutions. The long-term solutions deal with the social aspects of terrorism under the title of Proactive Approach to Terrorism and the short-term solutions deal with the criminal aspects of terrorism under the title of The Immediate Fight against Terrorism. The researcher constructed this model because there seems to be a tendency of not asking the question of "Why does terrorism occur?" Instead, the focus is usually on dealing with the consequences of terrorism and future terrorist threats. While it is essential that the governments need to provide the finest security measures for their societies, at the same time they need to address the reasons behind terrorism. This research, from stated perspective, offered a conceptual model to address both aspects of terrorism for a more complete fight against today's most painful problem.

This research transfigures in the field of “ postcolony ” (Achille Mbembe, 2001) ; an imperial situation that occurs in countries that were once destroyed by the ancient colonization and that keep its traces and bear its heritage. The novels of our study are as follows : Balbala (2002) by Abdourahman A. Waberi, Le bourreau (2004) by Séverin Cécile Abega, La grande mêlée (2011) by Michel Tremblay and Mãn (2013) by Kim Thúy. Indeed, we compare and would like to know why and how Africa, Canada and Vietnam may have a postcolony haloed by neo-colonialism. In addressing this issue, all the novels of our study converge to say that Colonizers succeeded to turn the suns of independence and decolonization into murderous suns, the vicious peppers into harmless flowers so as not to oppose the direction of the colonial fibres and transfer colonization to postcolony. Therefore, the fight remains perpetual between the postcolonial darkness and the anti-postcolonial light / Cette recherche transparaît dans « la postcolonie » (Achille Mbembe, 2001) ; une situation d’ordre impérial qui se vit dans les pays ravagés par l’ancienne colonisation, et qui gardent son héritage et portent ses traces. Voici les romans de notre étude : Balbala (2002) d’Abdourahman A. Waberi, Le bourreau (2004) de Séverin Cécile Abega, La grande mêlée (2011) de Michel Tremblay et Mãn (2013) de Kim Thúy. En effet, nous comparons et voulons savoir pourquoi et comment l’Afrique, le Canada et le Vietnam enfilent la postcolonie auréolée par le néo-colonialisme. Abordant cette problématique, tous les romans à l’étude convergent pour dire que les colonisateurs ont réussi à réifier les soleils des indépendances et de décolonisation en soleils assassins, les piments vicieux en fleurs inoffensives afin de ne pas contredire le sens des fibres coloniales et transférer la colonisation à la postcolonie. Dès lors, le combat reste donc perpétuel entre l’ombre postcoloniale et la lumière anti-postcoloniale / French Studies / M.A. (French)

Doctorat en sciences psychologiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / In this study, rhetorical analysis through the framework of victimage ritual is employed to analyze four Boko Haram messages on You Tube, five e-mail messages sent to journalists from leaders of Boko Haram, and a BlogSpot web page devoted to Boko Haram. The aim of this analysis is to understand the persuasive devices by which Boko Haram leaders create, express, and sustain their jurisprudence on acts of violence. The goal of this study is to understand how leaders of Boko Haram construct and express the group’s values, sway belief, and justify violence. The findings show that Boko Haram desire to redeem non-Muslims from perdition, liberate Muslims from persecution, protect Islam from criticism, and revenge perceived acts of injustices against Muslims. The group has embarked on this aim by allotting blame, vilifying the enemy-Other, pressing for a holy war, encouraging martyrdom, and alluding to an apocalypse. Boko Haram’s audience is made to believe that Allah has assigned Boko Haram the task to liberate and restore an Islamic haven in Nigeria. Therefore, opposition from the Nigerian government or Western forces is constructed as actions of evil, thus killing members of the opposition becomes a celestial and noble cause. This juxtaposition serves to encourage the violent Jihad which leaders of Boko Haram claims Allah assigned them to lead in the first place. As a result of this cyclical communication, media houses, along the Nigerian government, Christians and Western ideals become the symbolic evil, against which Muslims, sympathizers and would-be-recruits must unite. By locking Islam against the Nigerian government, Western ideals and Christianity in a characteristically hostile manner, Boko Haram precludes any real solution other than an orchestrated Jihad-crusade-or-cleanse model in which a possible coexistence of Muslims and the enemy-Other are denied, and the threat posed by the enemy-Other is eliminated through conversion or destruction. As a result, this study proposes that Boko Haram Internet messages Boko Haram’s mission reveals a movement of separatism, conservatism, and fascism. A movement based on the claim that its activism will establish a state in accordance with the dictates of Allah.