Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Hong Kong. / Typewritten.

In December 1972 the Australian government recognised the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) at the cost of breaking off all official contacts with Taiwan. Despite the initial shock to Australia-Taiwan relations of derecognition, trade contacts between Australia and Taiwan have continued to flourish, and in recent years, political relations between the two have also been improving. This thesis examines reasons behind the recent improvements in Australia-Taiwan relations and ways in which such improvements have been implemented - given the constraints that Australia has no official contacts with Taiwan. With its main focus as trade, this thesis shows that Taiwan's importance to Australia has been slowly evolving such that Taiwan is at present a more important and reliable trading partner to Australia than is the PRC. Improvements have been occurring in Australia-Taiwan political relations, therefore, primarily as a consequence of Taiwan's growing importanée in the Australian marketplace.

This study is an attempt to discover the deeper motives behind Communist China's present policy toward the Afro-Asian nations. From the outset it was assumed that this policy was entirely motivated by ideological considerations. As I progressed with the research, however, I became increasingly aware that ideology was not the only generating power behind Peking's policy, but that there was instead a more profound force at work. This so-called force, or power, or motive, whatever the case may be, has its roots deeply buried in Chinese history and I have chosen to call it China's traditionally legitimate aspirations. Although, in historic China, these aspirations were largely culturally inspired, they have recently been obscured by the tenets of a revolutionary doctrine called Communism. Historically, China has exercised a dominating role in Southeast Asia, for which the main source of inspiration and justification lay in the Confucian system of government. This position of hegemony was challenged in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries by the western powers who had little understanding of China's traditional role. With the founding of the Communist regime, in 1949, however, China once again entered upon a period of strong central authority and was thus in a position to re-assert herself and pursue a policy directed toward a revival of China's traditional aspirations. The structure of this paper consists of five main parts. The first two sections are devoted to an analysis of the ideological framework within which China's policy operates, as well as the actual strategy which has evolved from it. The emphasis here has been placed on what I have termed the "Asianization" of Communism and the pragmatic approach taken by the Chinese Communists on the implementation of their long-term aims. The final three sections are devoted to a discussion of the major instruments which Peking has at its disposal for the penetration of Southeast Asia. Two of these instruments, the overseas Chinese and the Communist parties, are, in my opinion, of singular importance and deserve separate treatment, for both these instruments are bound to play a determining role in the future development of Southeast Asian societies. Although the topic presupposes a discussion of both the Asian and African nations, the emphasis in this study, has been on the former. The African orientation of Communist China's policy is of a very recent nature and consequently there is only scant information available on the subject. However, Africa does form an integral part in Peking's ideology and overall strategy toward the "colonial and semi-colonial,, countries and this aspect has been treated accordingly. With respect to the Asian countries, I have preoccupied myself only with those in which Peking's influence has been and is most notable. For this reason, only passing reference has been made to the Philippines and Japan because, for the moment, these countries appear to be outside the scope of China's sphere of activity. This study is based on such major sources as Mao Tse-tung's theoretical works, and recently published works by Barnett and Brimmell. Much of the basic information derived from these sources, has been supplemented, however, by material from such publications as Survey of the Mainland China Press' and Peking Review. These last two sources were of great value in supplying illustrative material of a wide scope and have been used quite extensively. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Thesis advisor: Rebecca Nedostup / Seeing as how the leadership of both the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China have claimed a sense of inheritance and legitimacy from the political philosophy of Sun Yat-sen, it seems a paradox how different the political situations are in their respective domains. It is the intent of this thesis to discern how prioritizing different elements of Sun Yat-sen's political theory resulted in divergent decisions made by the leaders of the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party, which in turn help explain conditions found in the Republic of China on Taiwan and the People's Republic of China. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2011. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program. / Discipline: History Honors Program. / Discipline: History.

Darbo tikslas – atskleisti taivaniečių tautinės tapatybės formavimosi procesą bei ištirti ir palyginti trijų pastarųjų Kinijos Respublikos Taivane prezidentų politiką formuojant taivaniečių tapatybę. Per pastaruosius porą dešimtmečių Kinijos Respublikos (KR) Taivane žmonių gyvenimas stipriai pasikeitė. Ši šalis, kelis dešimtmečius save laikiusi Kinijos dalimi ir teisėtos politinės valdžios žemyne savininke, ėmė stipriai keistis ir joje ėmė formuotis taivanietiška tapatybė. Tokios tapatybės formavimosi požymių buvo galima aptikti ir ankstesniais laikais, tačiau jie niekada nebuvo tokie ryškūs ir saviti, kaip per pastaruosius porą dešimtmečių. Kinijos Respublikos Taivane valdančioji Guomindang (GMD) partija nuo pat įsitvirtinimo saloje teigė, jog egzistuoja tik viena Kinija, o Taivanas yra šios Kinijos dalis. Partijos tikslas buvo suvienyti visą Kiniją GMD partijos valdžioje. Tačiau kuo toliau, tuo labiau Kinijos Respublikos Taivane gyventojai pabrėžia, jog Taivanas nėra Kinija. Vis daugiau šios šalies gyventojų laiko save taivaniečiais, o ne kinais. Tiriant taivaniečių tautinės tapatybės formavimosi procesą bei prezidentų politiką formuojant taivanietišką tapatybę darbe buvo remiamasi aprašomuoju, istoriniu, interpretaciniu-analitiniu tyrimo metodais. / In the last couple of decades life has changed a lot for people in the Republic of China (ROC). This country experienced transformation of its government from authoritarian rule to democracy. It has also experienced emergence of new national Taiwanese consciousness. Nowadays most of people in Taiwan find themselves Taiwanese and not Chinese anymore or experience double identity. In these last couple of decades when all transitions emerged, Taiwan was ruled by three different presidents that influenced development of Taiwanese national consciousness. So this paper is analyzing influence of Taiwanese presidents in forming Taiwanese national consciousness. Goal of this paper is to explore development of the national Taiwanese consciousness and research the influence of last three Republic of China presidents in forming national Taiwanese consciousness. There are couple of tasks that needs to be done in this paper in order to reach the goal. There are going to be analysed conditions in which national Taiwanese consciousness have been forming. Highlight main events in Taiwanese history that contributed to formation of Taiwanese national consciousness. Analyse politics of last three Republic of China presidents in forming Taiwanese national consciousness and research how their position in supporting one of the four Taiwanese national consciousness types influence their country future and national security. In this paper it has been discovered that all three Republic of China... [to full text]

The Republic of China (ROC) has faced severe foreign policy challenges since its relocation from mainland China to Taiwan, and it has had to modify its position several times as its environment has changed. Its foreign policy since 1949 has gone through three distinct phases of development. A series of diplomatic adversities befell the ROC following its defeat in the United Nations in 1971, which presented the nation with an unprecedented challenge to its survival. These calamitous events for the ROC presented it with a frightening identity crisis: it was isolated in the international community and had become a "pariah" state. This case study examines and analyzes the various changes in the ROC's foreign policy behavior and attempts to determine what has influenced or induced changes in its foreign policy.

捷克共和國(以下簡稱捷克)與中華人民共和國(以下簡稱中國)之間的外交與經濟關係有著悠久的傳統和深層的複雜性。1989年捷克與中國首次有獨立政策。到目前為止，Václav Havel與Václav Klaus 兩個總統都有機會影響中捷的關係。如何獲取中國的青睞並在神話般的中國市場佔有一席之地, 他們所用的方法基本上是不同的。 Havel總統在行使他的外交政策時,從來沒有停止強調人權與其他敏感的話題。相反地,他繼任者Klaus總統採取更務實的方法去安撫中以減少貿易迷差以及幫助捷克出國到中國。 此論文的主要重點是在探討兩種不同的方法如何影響捷克在中國企業的經濟成功以及中捷之間的綜合關係。此論文也會觸及中捷之間外交與經濟兩方面的交互影響，期望舆誤解。 / The diplomatic and economic relations between the Czech Republic (CZ) and the People's Republic of China (PRC) have a long tradition and a deep level of complexity. In 1989, the CZ had the first chance to conduct its independent foreign policy towards the PRC. So far, two presidents, Václav Havel and Václav Klaus, had the opportunity to influence the relations between the CZ and the PRC. Their approaches of how to gain the PRC's favor and cut off its share of the mythical Chinese market were fundamentally different. The first president Havel in his conduct of foreign policy never ceased to stress human rights and other sensitive topics. In contrast, his successor Vávlav Klaus chose a more pragmatic approach of appeasing the PRC in order to decrease the trade deficit and help Czech export in the PRC. How these two different approaches influenced the economic success of Czech firms in the PRC and the relations generally, will be the main focus of my thesis. Questions of the relations between the economic and diplomatic sphere as well as features and misconceptions regarding the relations will be addressed as well.

Since Mainland China opened its market, its strengths and low-cost labor appeals to foreign investors and manufacturers, resulting in rapid growth of overall economics. Several investment factors in Taiwan, including rising land price due to economic growth, rising costs of labor, and shortage of labor force, drive Taiwanese firms to base manufacturing plants in Mainland China because of its cheap labor and massive scale of labor force. The aim of this research is to investigate the way in which human resource department adjusts its strategy as a part of enterprise transformation from labor orientation to marketing orientation under the influences of China¡¦s policy of economic transformation. The case study in this research is an outstanding enterprise, having three oversea plants, in southern Taiwan. The analysis and research results are shown as follows. (1) The introduction of the Labor Contract Law of the People¡¦s Republic of China and the Social Insurance Law of the People¡¦s Republic of China brings more disadvantages than benefits to enterprises. The laws improve Chinese laborers¡¦ basic rights at the expense of increasing management risks and labor management costs from Taiwanese firms. (2) Under the influences of global economic crisis, policies to downsize organization structure lead to a loss of talents, but enterprises should enhance its education training, reinforce organizational culture and vision, and speeding up the process of localizing talents. (3) Propelling domestic demand is a policy to sustain economic growth; however, as farmers¡¦ income increases, it is more difficult for enterprises to recruit laborers. Enterprises should be cautious on designing long-term plans of human resources. (4) The Foxconn incident is not an individual case. It shows that an enterprise should provide material assurance as well as spiritual concerns to employees. The butterfly effect of pay raise will speed up enterprise transformation and reach the long-term goal of paralleling Chinese plants to global market. (5) It is crucial for enterprises to provide material assistance to expatriates as well as mental well-being of the employees and the families.

[Abstract]: China’s enormous size and stature as a new hub of economic growth in tandem with its military modernisation make China a rising power. The strategic consequences of China’s economic growth synergised with its military muscles are multiple and profound, especially, for the neighbours in its conflict-prone periphery. The aim of this dissertation is not only to assess the importance and complexities of conflicts in the periphery of China, but also about the necessity for the neighbours to coexist with a more powerful China. At the same time, in the Chinese geopolitical context, domestic stability and hence, the CCP’s legitimacy has been perpetually paramount, and external threats or conflicts are usually perceived in the context of aggravating domestic and international stability, thereby hampering its strategic aim of achieving global economic command and power-projection military capability.With the dawn of 21st century, China is grooving to an exuberant global beat, the intensity of conflicts along China’s periphery has dimmed to such an extent that its political, economic, and social order will probably not disintegrate into chaos in the near future. Instead, China’s rapidly growing economic capacity and its soaring prestige in faraway capitals like Washington and Paris has meant an expansion of Chinese “soft power”, i.e., an assertive China with an ability to get what it wants by attracting and persuading others to adopt its goals, instead of blunt economic and military coercion. And, China could reasonably be expected to manage most, if not all, the conflicts in its periphery to its own advantage. These include: efforts to augment its military capabilities in a manner commensurate with its increased economic muscle and acquire new allies and underwrite the protection of others in its periphery. It is unlikely that the PRC will actually acquire new or reclaim old territory for China’s resources or for symbolic reasons by penalizing, if necessary, any opponents or bystanders who resist such claims. While it may wish to redress past wrongs it believes to have suffered; or attempt to rewrite the prevailing international “rules of game” to better reflect its own geostrategic interests; or in the most extreme policy choice, perhaps even ready itself for preventive war or to launch predatory attacks on its foes on the pretext of the “cult of defence,” – all of which have been seen as the bedrock of the contemporary China’s strategic culture, however, it is iiprobable that China will not pursue these at the cost of its future economic and/or social security agenda.

Thesis (M.A.)--Guo li Taiwan da xue. / Reproduction of typescript. On double leaves. Includes bibliographical references (p. 337-356).