捷克共和國(以下簡稱捷克)與中華人民共和國(以下簡稱中國)之間的外交與經濟關係有著悠久的傳統和深層的複雜性。1989年捷克與中國首次有獨立政策。到目前為止，Václav Havel與Václav Klaus 兩個總統都有機會影響中捷的關係。如何獲取中國的青睞並在神話般的中國市場佔有一席之地, 他們所用的方法基本上是不同的。 Havel總統在行使他的外交政策時,從來沒有停止強調人權與其他敏感的話題。相反地,他繼任者Klaus總統採取更務實的方法去安撫中以減少貿易迷差以及幫助捷克出國到中國。 此論文的主要重點是在探討兩種不同的方法如何影響捷克在中國企業的經濟成功以及中捷之間的綜合關係。此論文也會觸及中捷之間外交與經濟兩方面的交互影響，期望舆誤解。 / The diplomatic and economic relations between the Czech Republic (CZ) and the People's Republic of China (PRC) have a long tradition and a deep level of complexity. In 1989, the CZ had the first chance to conduct its independent foreign policy towards the PRC. So far, two presidents, Václav Havel and Václav Klaus, had the opportunity to influence the relations between the CZ and the PRC. Their approaches of how to gain the PRC's favor and cut off its share of the mythical Chinese market were fundamentally different. The first president Havel in his conduct of foreign policy never ceased to stress human rights and other sensitive topics. In contrast, his successor Vávlav Klaus chose a more pragmatic approach of appeasing the PRC in order to decrease the trade deficit and help Czech export in the PRC. How these two different approaches influenced the economic success of Czech firms in the PRC and the relations generally, will be the main focus of my thesis. Questions of the relations between the economic and diplomatic sphere as well as features and misconceptions regarding the relations will be addressed as well.

捷克從市場開放至今，是許多從事資訊電子業的臺商在歐洲投資首選地。學術界關於捷克經貿的研究甚多，但對於臺商實際於捷克營運的個案研究極少，因此本研究企圖著眼於臺商在捷克實際營運案例，說明臺商過往至今所面臨的問題挑戰及應對方法，提供有意至捷克投資企業的參考。 　　本研究分別針對公司的能力、地主國的環境、國際化的動機對臺商在捷克的經營方式有何影響，進行討論，進而提出結論與建議。 　　研究結果顯示，臺商在捷克的營運管理上，碰到最大的困難與挑戰為捷克的法規與文化。法規的部份，捷克的勞工法較臺灣嚴格，員工申訴的管道也相行暢通。文化方面，捷克勞工公私分明，不會願意為公司犧牲私人時間加班。故臺商後來多與越南的勞力仲介公司合作，並聘請一位捷克籍的人事經理，擔任勞資雙方的橋樑。不過總體來說，捷克籍的員工對於權威的服從性高，所以管理起來相對容易。 / Czech Republic, from its market opening until now, has become the primary investment target for many Taiwanese ICT firms. Lots of research has discussed the business trading in Czech. Nonetheless, few works mention the practical operations of Taiwan-based firms. This research aims at studying the cases of Taiwanese firms operating in Czech, and illustrating the difficulties and the corresponding solutions as the reference for other firms who intend to invest in Czech in the near future. Research outcomes indicate that the biggest challenge Taiwanese firms face is the regulations and culture. From the aspect of regulations, Czech has a more restrictive code of conduct on labors. In addition, labors’ claims in Czech are much easier. From the aspect of culture, labors in Czech distinguish the company’s interests from their own by not sacrificing their private time for overtime. With above, Taiwanese firms then increasingly cooperate with Vietnamese manpower agencies and at the same time hire a Czech human resource manager as the bridge between the workforce and management. Generally speaking, Czech labors are more obedient to superior orders and thus are much easier on management.

在1989年捷克「絲絨革命」的過程中，幾乎所有捷克共產黨領導人都被迫辭職下台，因此共產黨對政府的控制完全瓦解，其後，捷克進行一連串的民主改革，努力想擺脫共產體制帶來的種種不良影響。之後，歷經1993年與斯洛伐克的和平分裂，捷克共和國正式成立，並開始積極推動中、東歐地區的整合，進而達到加入歐洲聯盟的目標。終於，在2004年，歐盟完成歷史上最大規模的擴張，新加入的成員共有十國。其中，捷克不但在入盟談判中一直表現良好，更於2009年擔任歐盟輪值主席國，以成熟穩健的態度負責協調並舉辦歐盟的議事活動，也順利完成任務。因此，捷克的民主轉型是應該受到肯定的，而在整個民主轉型的過程中，我認為歐盟在捷克所推動的國際社會化是最重要的因素，歐盟提出的政治條件，促使捷克朝向民主與市場經濟體制轉型。同時，在轉型的過程中，捷克必須接納的國際規範，最後也成功內化到捷克國家體制內，只是在不同政策領域中，有不同程度的實踐。因此，本文使用建構主義的理論架構，對歐盟與捷克的案例進行檢視，希望透過比較分析實際情況與理論觀點的異同之處，一方面將國際社會化概念的內容具體化，也藉由實際情況對理論內容做補充，使本文的研究發現成為未來相關研究的參考。

本論文計六章十五節，約十萬字。以第一章和第六章為全文的重點，第二章、第三章 、第四章、第五章則是「德國再統一問題」發展過程之討論。現在分別將各章要點敘 述如下： 第一章：界定「德國再統一問題」之內涵，並且闡述「統合理論」。 第二章：說明「德國再統一問題」的由來，敘述二次大戰結束後，德國分裂的歷史背 景。 第三章：討論一九四九年東西德各自獨立建國後至一九五八年柏林危機前，對立時期 的東西德關係，重點包括東西德分別加入華沙、北約集團、西德艾德諾政府時期的德 國政策，及對立時期東德政權對「德國再統一」的看法。 第四章：討論自一九五八年柏林危機至一九六八年捷克事件發生前，轉型時期的東西 德關係。重點在敘述柏林危機時期美、蘇及東、西德對德國問題的立場。並說明柏林 危機對東西德決策者之德國政策造成之影響。 第五章：討論一九六八年捷克事件後，東西德在談判時期的關係。重點在說明捷克事 件對西德的影響，敘述西德布蘭德政府的政策轉變，探討西德在一系列「東方條約」 的談判過程中，東西德對德國問題目標和現實環境間的妥協折衝。並敘述東西德基礎 條約簽訂後的東西德關係。 第六章：結論。對「德國再統一問題」做一綜述，歸納出影響「德國再統一問題」的 內外因素，最後做成結論。

捷克斯洛伐克於一九八九年開始進行政治的民主化運動，一九九一年開始實行經濟的自由化改革，但卻由於捷克與斯洛伐克兩共和國對於國家體制及經濟改革步調無法達成共識，因此兩國於一九九三年元月一日協議分離。自此兩國乃實行不同的經濟改革策略，捷克共和國仍維持激進改革策略，而斯洛伐克共和國則改採較為漸進的改革策略。本論文即利用總體經濟政策、價格與貿易自由化政策，及私有化政策等三個主要的面向，研究捷克斯洛伐克自一九九一年至一九九二年的經改策略，以及獨立之後捷克與斯洛伐克兩國在一九九三年至一九九五年的經改策略及經濟表現，最後並提出影響兩國經濟表現差異的因素。筆者認為，影響捷克與斯洛伐克兩國解體之後經濟表現差異的因素包括：產業分布之均衡性、改革的路徑及速度、兩國間的經濟臍帶關係、國內政治的穩定度，以及外部影響等因素所影響。 / Czechoslovakia began political democratization from 1989 and economic liberation from 1991. However, Czech and Slovak Republics have different opinions in national regime and the path of economic reform, so they made divorce on first of January 1993. From now on, they have been taking distinct projects. Czech Republic remains its shake reform, but Slovakia Republic changes into gradual reform. This thesis researches the economic transformation in Czech and Slovak Republic from 1991 to 1992, so does in Czech Republic and Slovak Republic from 1993 to 1995 by three aspects of macroeconomic policy, price and trade liberation, and privatization. In the end, I try to find out why the different effects of the two countries are. I think, the causes of the different performance are the equilibrium of industries, the path and the speed of reform, the relation of the two nations, the stable of politics and outside influence.

1989年中東歐政局發生重大變化，波蘭、匈牙利與捷克斯洛伐克共黨在社會團體與民運人士大規模抗議下交出政權，結束此區域長久以來的共黨統治。1991年斯洛維尼亞正式脫離南斯拉夫，波海三國亦獲獨立，中東歐新興國家開始民主轉型。本文首先探討促成1989年中東歐民主革命的外部因素，如較和緩的國際情勢、蘇共自由化政策、美國及國際組織援助等，接著以捷克為個案，分析外部因素對絲絨革命及民主化之作用。 赫爾辛基最後議定書等關於民主與人權的文件，鼓舞了七七憲章之草擬；波蘭與匈牙利的政局變化，對捷克斯洛伐克產生示範作用，異議人士、環保團體或宗教力量跨國串連，輔以西方媒體作用，是絲絨革命動員的契機。與1968年受華約軍隊鎮壓的布拉格之春相比，絲絨革命得以成功，蘇共總書記Mikhail Gorbachev (Михаил Горбачёв)放棄干涉中東歐國家內政是重要關鍵，強硬的捷共政府因而失去壓制國內民主訴求的正當性。 此後捷克「回歸歐洲」外交走向，使歐安組織、歐洲理事會與美國運用民主、人權規範及各項援助，深化其轉型程度。北約和歐盟以會籍作為條件設定，直接或間接散播民主規範，並透過捷克當地政治菁英及政黨，歐盟外部治理成功使人民對歐洲化及歐盟產生認同。2003年入盟公投通過後，歐盟外部治理有了民意基礎，影響力更為強化，主導捷克民主發展。 / In 1989 the unexpected enormous democratic revolutions in Central and Eastern European countries led to the crash of the communist governments in Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia. Two years later, officially departing from Yugoslavia, Slovenia started its own democratic transition, and the Baltic states also attained independence from the Soviet Union. First of all, we would like to discuss the external factors triggering the democratic revolutions in this area in 1989, such as the less tense international circumstances, the liberal reforms of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and the assistance from the US and the relative international organizations. Then the discussion goes further to the case of the Czech Republic to make it clear how external factors affected the Velvet Revolution and how democratic values were promoted in the Czech Republic. The Helsinki Final Act, announced for democracy and the human rights in 1975, inspired the publication of Charter 77. The political change in Poland and Hungary turned into demonstration effect on Czech politics. Besides, the transnational connection of dissidents or the religion groups, and the western media both facilitated the mobilization for a democratic regime. Compared to the Prague Spring of 1968, crushed by the invading Soviet troops, the success of the Velvet Revolution was largely contributed by Mikhail Gorbachev’s decision not to interfere in the internal affairs in this area. Thus, the Czech communist government lost its legitimacy to suppress democratic campaigns. With the slogan “Return to Europe,” Czech Republic had made it possible for international activists including OSCE, COE and the US to impose their influences on Czech’s transition to democracy. In the accession process to the EU/ NATO, western activists spread democracy norms into the Czech Republic directly or indirectly by conditionality. Through local political elites and political parties, the EU successfully built Czech people’s identity toward EU by its external governance. Meanwhile, the positive result of Czech’s EU entry referendum in 2003 even strengthened EU’s influence as a leading external role in Czech’s democratization after the Velvet Revolution.

主要研究內容為針對一九三七年到一九三九年間，英國首相張伯倫對德國推行綏靖政 策之探討。 第一章擬就「綏靖」（Appeasement ）一辭的含意加以討論，並介紹綏靖政策的基本 概念。 第二章則針對當時英國所處的國際處境，國內環境，以及英國決策者個人背景，分析 張伯倫綏靖政策的形成背景。 第三章討論張伯倫綏靖政策的戰略構想，以及張伯倫與外相艾登之間外交政策的衝突 。並申論英國對德國殖民地綏靖政策。 第四章分析捷克蘇台德問題之形成，以及希特勒如何利用民族自決向捷克擴張。張伯 倫為追求和平，而不斷壓迫捷克接受德方的要求，終於達成了綏靖政策的最高峰── 慕尼黑協定。 第五章申述德國併吞捷克後英國外交政策之轉變，為了歐洲的權力平衡，終於使得英 國對波蘭提出了保證。 第六章結論擬就張伯倫的外交政策作一綜合性的評估與探討。

九0年代初，捷克以及其他東、中歐國家成爲世界移民系統的一部份。當時，捷克的開放移民政策及國家的經濟發展吸引全世界移民的目光，其中也包含了中國大陸移民在内。然而，自1995年開始，爲了準備加入歐盟及申根地區，捷克逐漸將移民政策調整成與歐盟目標一致。因而，捷克的政府推行所謂的限制移民政策。因此，隨著開放移民政策的變遷，捷克對移民的拉力減弱。在限制移民政策的狀況之下，在移民過程中，移民國的社會網絡成爲關鍵的移民因素。本文旨在研究探討捷克移民政策的變遷以及中國移民社會網絡的加強對捷克中國移民人數的影響。 / At the beginning of the 1990’s, the Czech Republic, together with other European post-communist countries became a part of the world migration system. Its liberal migration policy and new business opportunities attracted a lot of migrants from different countries, including mainland China, as well. However, in the mid 1990’s, the Czech Republic initiated an effort leading to the membership in the European Union and Shengen Space. Thus, this central European country adopted a far more strict migration policy which corresponded to the EU’s migration rules. As a result, one of the main pull factor of the Czech Republic, i.e., openess to migrants, disappeared with the enlargement of the EU, and moreover migration process involved many restrictions. In this situation social migration networks undertook the role of the main factor which could enable new migrants access the Czech Republic. This thesis describes and analyzes the influence of changing Czech migration policy and subsequent strengthening of social migration ties on the development of Chinese community in the Czech Republic.

本論文重要的目的，瞭解捷克轉型正義的特色與淨化法的施行。捷克轉型正義，發生在蘇聯解體、中東歐國家政治、經濟轉型的脈絡下。去共化和處理過去共遺緒問題，是中東歐國家轉型正義的重要任務，淨化法在如此政治環境下產生。捷克的淨化政策，由於國內政治非制度淨化，加上民主選舉過程，導致黑函滿天飛，所造成嚴重的政治問題，因而訂定的立法規範。這樣的背景下，淨化政策是一種特殊、臨時的政策工具。反映出當時轉型政治所面臨的困難，以及共黨政治轉型到民主政治之間，體系轉換的矛盾。此外，淨化政策也代表，當時捷克政治環境危機的解決方式。回到歷史的脈絡下來看，淨化政策是一種人事改革的手段，也是推動整體改革的基礎。解構舊有的權力結構，讓新民主有機會發展。 淨化政策在施行上，仍有許多爭議，包括可能侵害個人政治權力，以及被認為是一種對於共黨的報復手段，但淨化政策最重要的目標，是為建立特殊時期的改革基礎，也沒有具體的資料顯示，淨化政策會造成政治民主發展的傷害，相反的，淨化政策的施行得當，對於新民主的發展是有助益。 / The most important purpose of this thesis is to understand the characteristics of the Czech transitional justice and Lustration Law. The Czech, as a Central and Eastern European countries, transitional justice occurred in the Post-Soviet with the political, economic restructuring context. Both "de-communism" and "the dealing with the past" is important task of the Transitional Justice in Central and Eastern European countries, and the Lustration Law implement in this background. Czech Lustration Law is result from wild lustration, because of democratic electoral system, leading to blackmail over the place, caused a serious political problem. Therefore, the legislators decided to make the law. Based on the above, the Lustration Law is a special, temporary policy tool. The situation reflects the challenges of political transition, and the communist political transition to a democratic system, is facing tremendous contradiction. In addition, the Lustration policy also represents a solution choice of the Czech political environment crisis. Lustration policy is a kind of a personnel reform policy, and promotes the overall reform. Destroy the former power structure, so that the new democracy has a chance to develop. Examining the Lustration policy, there is a lot of controversy. Including it may infringe the personal political right, and it’s considered as retaliation to the former political elite. However, the Lustration policies the most important goal is to establish the basis of a special period of reform. There is no specific evidence to show that Lustration Law will result in damage to the development of political democracy. On the other hand, lustration policy is implemented appropriately; it would be beneficial for the development of new democracy.