In this thesis the Russian Federation is investigated to understand if it still tries to continue its classic Soviet style of security perception in the post-Cold War era and its views concerning national security as reflected in Russia&#039 / s military doctrines. It is so obvious that the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the emrgence of Russia as an independent entity in the post-cold war era have compelled the Russian Federation to redefine its national interest. In this context it experienced a crisis of describing its identity and national interests in changing security environment. Although in the early years of Yeltsin it preferred close cooperation with the West then abandoned this approach. It was implied that some states and coalitions were still main threats to the security of the Russian Federation in the military doctrine and the near-abroad policy re-gained importance. In addition with the inauguration of Putin as the Russian President the reaction of the Russian Federation regarding both internal and external security issues displayed the growing significance of traditional interests and old-style security issues. Thus in this thesis it is asserted that the Russian Federation still tries to sustain its well-known traditional interests the classic Soviet style of security perception in the post-Cold War period. Therefore this study tries to explain this argument through examining the effects of its imperial past, transformation years and its situation in the new security environment of post-Cold War era under Yeltsin and Putin.

This thesis aims to study the relations between Turkey and the Russian Federation in the post Soviet era. The thesis examines the political, military and economic aspects of the relations between these two countries in Eurasia. The thesis argues that economic factors have played a determining role in development of relations between Turkey and the Russian Federation in the post Soviet era. Contrary to the mainstream literature which suggests that the relations between Turkey and the Russian Federation are destined to be conflictual due to the geopolitical factors as well as the traditional distrust between them, the thesis shows that cooperation and trust between these two countries could develop further if both parties continue to take economic relations as the basis for improving their relations. There are six chapters in this thesis. The introductory first chapter is followed by the second chapter on the historical background of the relations between Turkey and the Russia. The third chapter examines the political relations while the fourth chapter discusses the security aspects of relations between these two countries. The fifth chapter explores the economic basis of Turkish-Russian relations in the post Soviet era. The sixth chapter is the conclusion.

The aim of this thesis is to examine the nature of Russian foreign policy towards Iraq in the post-Soviet era. This thesis argues that the Russian foreign policy towards Iraq in the post-Soviet era has been primarily determined by Russia&rsquo / s self-interests which are mainly defined in economic terms. The thesis follows the realist approach to international relations. It also emphasizes the importane of economic factors in foreign policy making process. The thesis consists of five chapters: In Chapter 1, the thesis is introduced. Chapter 2 explains the Soviet-Iraqi relations from a historical perspective. This is followed by Chapter 3 where Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Boris Yeltsin is examined. Next, Chapter 4 discusses the Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Vladimir Putin. Then, Chapter 5 assesses the economic factors, socio-political factors and international factors affecting Russian foreign policy makers in the post-Soviet era. The last chapter concludes the thesis.

Diss. (sammanfattning) Uppsala : Sveriges lantbruksuniversitet, 2004. / Härtill 5 uppsatser.

Diss. Stockholm : Stockholms universitet, 2005.

Diss. (sammanfattning) Uppsala : Sveriges lantbruksuniversitet, 2005. / Härtill 4 uppsatser.

Diss. (sammanfattning) Uppsala : Sveriges lantbruksuniv., 2007. / Härtill 3 uppsatser.

1 Comparison of Czech and Russian criminal legislation on Terrorism Abstract The aim of this diploma thesis is to provide the reader with an information about criminal legislation of terrorism with regard to its currency, specifically aiming on legislation in Czech criminal law and in Russian criminal law. Both of these legislations are afterwards compared and the biggest differences are pointed out. Also, some changes are proposed to be made in the Czech criminal legislation in this area. Before analysis of criminal legislations of both countries, the issue of current terrorism is described. Also, problematical definition of terrorism is explained, with mentioning few versions of it. History of terrorism is briefly analyzed. Basic forms of terrorism are also described. Then, counterterrorist policy of Czech republic is briefly decribed, and also relationship between terrorism and human rights within fighting against terrorism. In the next chapter, criminal legislation of terrorism in Czech law is described. Firstly, formerly existing Criminal Code and its ideas are pointed out. After that, current Criminal Code is analyzed. Afterwards, individual crimes, that are related to the terrorism matter, are mentioned. In the end of this chapter, some aspects of criminal proceedings related to terrorism are said....

O século XXI iniciou para a Federação Russa marcado por sensíveis mudanças, tanto no âmbito doméstico como na política externa adotada pelo país, muitas delas implementadas com o intuito de reverter os efeitos perversos de escolhas feitas durante o Governo Yeltsin (1991-1999). No plano externo, o objetivo principal da Rússia passou a ser a retomada do posto de grande potência no sistema internacional. A fim de atingir tal meta, a política externa do primeiro Governo Putin (2000-2008) e do Governo Medvedev (2008-2012) foi pautada pelas seguintes características: defesa da multipolaridade, eurasianismo, pragmatismo, a utilização da geoeconomia na política externa e maior assertividade. Nos primeiros anos do século XXI, a multipolaridade defendida por Moscou vai se tornando realidade. Com vistas a ser um dos polos desta nova configuração sistêmica de poder, o segundo Governo Putin (2012-) investe no projeto da União Eurasiana, uma organização regional que abrigará preferencialmente países do espaço pós-soviético e tem como alicerce os avanços da União Aduaneira e do Espaço Econômico Comum, organizações formadas por Rússia, Cazaquistão e Bielorrússia. A criação da União Eurasiana indica a revalorização do multilateralismo, o que em alguma extensão modifica a política externa russa, pois a ela acresce uma nova característica. Diante de tal cenário, surge a dúvida: por que o segundo Governo Putin investe na União Eurasiana e no multilateralismo? A hipótese adotada é a de que a resposta ao questionamento proposto é encontrada na análise das conjunturas regional e sistêmica nas quais a Federação Russa está inserida no início dos anos 2010. / The 21st century brought significant changes to the Russian Federation, both in the domestic and the foreign policies of the country. Most of the policies were implemented with the goal of reversing the perverse effects of the policies implemented during the Yeltsin years (1991-1999). In relation to foreign affairs, the main goal of Russia was to regain the position of a great power in the international system. In this sense, the foreign policies of the first Putin mandate (2000-2008) and of the Medvedev government (2008-2012) were guided by advocating multipolarity, eurasianism, pragmatism, economization of the foreign policy and assertiveness. In the early 21st century, the multipolarity advocated by Moscow begins to take shape. With the goal of becoming one of the poles of the new systemic configuration of power, the second Putin government (2012-) investes in the Eurasian Union project. The goal is to establish a regional organization encompassing mainly the post-soviet space countries. The organization, in turn, is based on the advancements of the Customs Union and the Common Economic Space. These two organizations include the Russian Federation, Kazakhstan and Belarus. The creation of the Eurasian Union represents the rebirth of multilateralism, which, to some extent, changes Russia’s foreign policy by adding a new trait to it. Thus, the following question arises: why does the Putin government invest in the Eurasian Union and in multilateralism? The hypothesis of the present dissertation is that the answer may be in the evaluation of the regional and systemic situations in which the Russian Federation has been inserted in the early 2010s.

abstract: The implementation of substance abuse treatment policy is ambiguous in the Russian Federation. Though policies are in place, financial responsibility and best practice procedures are largely overlooked by the Russian government. The purpose of this thesis is to conduct a policy analysis of the Russian Federation Federal Law, On Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, adopted December 10, 1997. Amendments and additions to this law are integrated. Utilizing Gilbert and Terrell’s (2005) elements of an analytic social policy, including allocation, provision, delivery, and finance, the extent of substance abuse treatment provision is analyzed in the Russian context. Result indicate limited Russian government provision of detoxification for drug and alcohol users, with a nearly absent continuum required for true rehabilitation. The Russian government must provide harm reduction measurements to protect the population from HIV/AIDS. Involving the Russian Orthodox Church in advocacy for the implementation of harm reduction measures is recommended. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Social Work 2017