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Russian political culture and the revolutionary intelligentsia : the stateless ideal in the ideology of the populist movementSchull, Joseph. January 1985 (has links)
No description available.
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U.S. Foreign Policy and the Soviet Gas Pipeline to Western EuropeAl-Imam, Jamal D. 08 1900 (has links)
This paper surveys U.S. foreign policy in the late 1970s and early 1980s as the American administration reacted to the Soviet Union's interventions in Afghanistan and Poland and to its planned gas pipeline to Western Europe. Chapter I outlines the origins of the pipeline project; Chapters II and III describe U.S. foreign policy toward the Soviets during the Carter and Reagan administrations. Chapter IV focuses on the economic sanctions imposed against the Soviet Union by the United States and their failure to block or delay the pipeline, and Chapter V stresses the inability of economic sanctions-- in this and other instances--to achieve political ends.
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Soviet war-readiness and the road to war : 1937-41Foisy, Cory A. January 2003 (has links)
No description available.
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"Red 'Teaspoons of Charity': Zhenotdel, Russian Women, and the Communist Party, 1919-1930."Patterson, Michelle Jane 29 February 2012 (has links)
After the Bolshevik assumption of power in 1917, the arguably much more difficult task of creating a revolutionary society began. In 1919, to ensure Russian women supported the Communist party, the Zhenotdel, or women’s department, was established. Its aim was propagating the Communist party’s message through local branches attached to party committees at every level of the hierarchy. This dissertation is an analysis of the Communist party’s Zhenotdel in Petrograd/ Leningrad during the 1920s.
Most Western Zhenotdel histories were written in the pre-archival era, and this is the first study to extensively utilize material in the former Leningrad party archive, TsGAIPD SPb. Both the quality and quantity of Zhenotdel fonds is superior at St.Peterburg’s TsGAIPD SPb than Moscow’s RGASPI. While most scholars have used Moscow-centric journals like "Kommunistka", "Krest’ianka" and "Rabotnitsa", this study has thoroughly utilized the Leningrad Zhenotdel journal "Rabotnitsa i krest’ianka" and a rich and extensive collection of Zhenotdel questionnaires. Women’s speeches from Zhenotdel conferences, as well as factory and field reports, have also been folded into the dissertation’s five chapters on: organizational issues, the unemployed, housewives and prostitutes, peasants, and workers. Fundamentally, this dissertation argues that how Zhenotdel functioned at the local level revealed that the organization as a whole was riven with multiple and conflicting tensions. Zhenotdel was unworkable.
Zhenotdel’s broad goals were impeded because activists lacked financial and jurisdictional autonomy, faced party ambivalence and hostility, and operated largely with
volunteers. Paradoxically, these volunteer delegates were “interns,” yet they were expected to model exemplary behaviour. With limited resources, delegates were also
expected to fulfil an ever-expanding list of tasks. In addition, Zhenotdel’s extensive use of unpaid housewife delegates in the 1920s anticipated the wife-activist movement of voluntary social service work in the middle to late 1930s. There were competing visions for NEP society, and Zhenotdel officials were largely unable to negotiate the importance of their organization to other party and state organizations. Overall, this suggests that
although the political revolution was successful in the 1920s, there were profound limits to the social and cultural revolution in this era.
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"Red 'Teaspoons of Charity': Zhenotdel, Russian Women, and the Communist Party, 1919-1930."Patterson, Michelle Jane 29 February 2012 (has links)
After the Bolshevik assumption of power in 1917, the arguably much more difficult task of creating a revolutionary society began. In 1919, to ensure Russian women supported the Communist party, the Zhenotdel, or women’s department, was established. Its aim was propagating the Communist party’s message through local branches attached to party committees at every level of the hierarchy. This dissertation is an analysis of the Communist party’s Zhenotdel in Petrograd/ Leningrad during the 1920s.
Most Western Zhenotdel histories were written in the pre-archival era, and this is the first study to extensively utilize material in the former Leningrad party archive, TsGAIPD SPb. Both the quality and quantity of Zhenotdel fonds is superior at St.Peterburg’s TsGAIPD SPb than Moscow’s RGASPI. While most scholars have used Moscow-centric journals like "Kommunistka", "Krest’ianka" and "Rabotnitsa", this study has thoroughly utilized the Leningrad Zhenotdel journal "Rabotnitsa i krest’ianka" and a rich and extensive collection of Zhenotdel questionnaires. Women’s speeches from Zhenotdel conferences, as well as factory and field reports, have also been folded into the dissertation’s five chapters on: organizational issues, the unemployed, housewives and prostitutes, peasants, and workers. Fundamentally, this dissertation argues that how Zhenotdel functioned at the local level revealed that the organization as a whole was riven with multiple and conflicting tensions. Zhenotdel was unworkable.
Zhenotdel’s broad goals were impeded because activists lacked financial and jurisdictional autonomy, faced party ambivalence and hostility, and operated largely with
volunteers. Paradoxically, these volunteer delegates were “interns,” yet they were expected to model exemplary behaviour. With limited resources, delegates were also
expected to fulfil an ever-expanding list of tasks. In addition, Zhenotdel’s extensive use of unpaid housewife delegates in the 1920s anticipated the wife-activist movement of voluntary social service work in the middle to late 1930s. There were competing visions for NEP society, and Zhenotdel officials were largely unable to negotiate the importance of their organization to other party and state organizations. Overall, this suggests that
although the political revolution was successful in the 1920s, there were profound limits to the social and cultural revolution in this era.
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Aleksandr A. Semenov (1863-1958) : colonial power, orientalism and Soviet nation-buildingBattis, Matthias January 2016 (has links)
This study explores the life of the prominent Russian Orientalist and colonial administrator Aleksandr Semenov (1873-1958). In the course of his long and versatile career in Central Asia - where he came to in 1901 as a low-ranking member of Turkestan's colonial administration, and where he died in 1958 as the first director of the Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of Tajikistan's Academy of Sciences - Semenov participated in the transformation of the region from a Tsarist colony into part of what Francine Hirsch has called an 'Empire of Nations'. His influence on national historiography and notions of national identity was especially marked in the case of the Soviet Union's only Persian-speaking republic, Tajikistan, with which Semenov was connected through his interest and expertise in Persianate Central Asia. This thesis even goes so far as to argue that Semenov's scholarship and his work as an advisor to the Soviet government facilitated the very establishment of Tajikistan, which Paul Bergne has described as a nation initially promoted by Russian Orientalists. Further research in Russian archives is required, however, to better substantiate this claim. Rather than focussing on the (early) Soviet period and on so-called national territorial delimitation of Central Asia, as scholars such as Hirsch and Arne Haugen have done, the present study, in the vein of scholars like Vera Tolz and Vladimir Genis, highlights the ways in which both Bolshevik nationalities policy and Soviet Oriental Studies grew out of the studying and ruling of Central Asia in the late imperial period. It does so through an examination of Semenov's career, scholarship and personal networks, and on the basis of his personal archive in Tajikistan's Academy of Sciences, which has not been researched in any systematic way since the early 1970s, and in which no scholar from outside the former Soviet Union has ever worked.
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Estonia in the crucible of Soviet political reformLohuaru, Peter January 1989 (has links)
Estonia's rise to prominence on the leading edge of the
Soviet reform process is a consequence of the republic's dual
position as an economic role model for other republics and a
Soviet exception in terms of lifestyle and cultural
orientation. While Estonia's open acceptance of perestroika
is clearly a boost for Soviet reformers, the Estonian vision
of reform is distinctly different from the direction intended
by Moscow. In its capacity as reform leader and radical
pioneer, Estonia is a microcosm of the Soviet political
economy and the elements that plague attempts to reform the
system. An examination of Estonia's role within the Soviet
reform movement provides a view of the potentially explosive
cultural processes that have now surfaced not only in the
Baltic but throughout the Soviet Union.
Chapter One presents a descriptive chronological overview
of the events that preceded Estonia's Declaration of
Sovereignty in November 1988. Chapter Two is analytical in
nature and provides a cultural context and background with
which to assess Estonian developments. The methodological
framework is adapted from Archie Brown's "Political Culture
and Communist Studies" and gives a qualitative description of
the intensity and psychological power of the cultural factor
in Estonian politics. Chapter Three presents Moscow's
reaction to Baltic initiatives and describes Gorbachev's
attempt to forge a new nationalities policy in the face of
deep-rooted conservative opposition.
Estonia is a prime example of the seemingly insoluble
nationality problems associated with Soviet political reform.
In terms of quantitative indicators, Estonia is the most
economically successful republic within the Soviet political
experiment, and yet it is also the most vociferous in voicing
rejection of fundamental Soviet political values.
Although the Soviet future remains unpredictable, there
are strong indicators that Estonia and the Baltic republics
will continue to expand the perimeters of reform at a pace and
in a manner that can now only be curtailed by armed force.
However, the potential consequences of Baltic initiatives will
not remain confined only to Soviet domestic politics. Whether
the Soviet Union becomes a benign Commonwealth or Confederacy,
or rapidly decays or disintegrates, or regresses into
authoritarianism and civil war, the result will have profound
consequences for Europe and the rest of the world. Therefore,
the importance of Estonia and the other Baltic republics in
the process of Soviet decline cannot be underestimated; the
Baltic States, although insignificant by global standards,
have set an example for other Soviet republics and national
groups to follow and will for the near term remain political
barometers of the Soviet future. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate
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The Politburo and the making of Soviet economic policy: 1970-1976 /Blough, Roger Alfred, January 1984 (has links)
No description available.
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Soviet Azerbaijan and comparative institutional development in the Soviet Southern Tier.Sanchez, James Joseph. January 1988 (has links)
Institutional development is a process that can be analyzed from the bibliometrics of its contingent generation of documentation in the same manner that can be analyzed by historical methods. As institutions grow in resources, the absolute volume of documentation produced rises. In the context of the Soviet Southern Tier, the Russian language documentation bibliometrics for the eight republics image their relative level of institutional development. Comparing the relative levels of documentation to socio-economic variables, the degree to which the documentation is a local product, or a product of All-Union intervention can be determined. Hence, the degree to which institutional development is dependent or autonomous can be gauged for each republic. The analysis of these relationships between the degree to which documentation production is a dependent process, and the relative level of documentation generation, provides an empirical basis for the ranking of regional institutional development. This ranking establishes the framework for a historical description of the relative position of the nationalities of the Southern Tier. This quantitative perspective on Soviet nationality policy parallels the historical process by which the nationalities have been integrated into the Soviet system. The two nationalities most constrained by the nationality policies are the Armenians, with their nationalism and irredentism based on well developed local institutions, and the Uzbeks, with their large population base and historical leadership role in Central Asia. The role of intensively Soviet developed nationalities (Turkmen, Kirghiz, and Karakalpak) in the multi-ethnic system is considered in terms of their moderating the potential for hegemony by the largest nationalities. Azerbaijan SSR emerges as the regional center of a system of measures taken to promote stability and to minimize the prospects of autonomous ethnic hegemony in the Soviet Southern Tier.
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The USSR and Afro-Marxist regimes : the path to the Treaties of Friendship and Co-operationSimpson, Mark S. C. January 1989 (has links)
No description available.
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