This dissertation was undertaken in collaboration with the Nisga’a First Nation of northwestern British Columbia to document their traditional plant knowledge. This information was gathered through collaborative audio recorded open-ended discussion with 21 Nisga’a elders, supplemented with material from the published literature and archival sources. Background information with respect to the Nisga’a culture, language, geography, plant classification and resource management is documented in the past and as exercised today. Nisga’a names or uses of 110 plant species are described. Of these, 72 species were documented as having been used for food, 52 for medicinal purposes; 12 for spiritual purposes and 70 for technological purposes. The role of plants in traditional Nisga’a culture is further explored through comparisons of plant distribution, plant names and pre-contact trade between the Nisga’a and their immediate neighbours, the Gitxsan, Tsimshian, Haida, Tahltan and Tlingit First Nations. Maps are presented which highlight the distribution of seven plant species traditionally important in these cultures: Shepherdia canadensis (soapberry), Vaccinium membranaceum (black huckleberry), Oplopanax horridus (devil’s club), Corylus cornuta (beaked hazelnut), Malus fusca (Pacific crabapple), Veratrum viride (false hellebore), and Taxus brevifolia (western yew). Currently, one of the plants most important to the Nisga’a is wa’ums or devil’s club (Oplopanax horridus). Devil’s club stems were measured in clearcuts of different ages to examine how quickly this important spiritual and medicinal species recovers after logging. Results suggest that although devil’s club does persist after clearcut logging, stems of a suitable size are rarely found in cutblocks less than 10 years old and that time since logging only partially accounts for the persistence or recovery of this species. The dissertation concludes with a discussion of historical Nisga’a plant knowledge. The gender of those who have held and transmitted traditional knowledge and the gender of present knowledge holders is tabulated and discussed. Results suggest that although both men and women hold and pass on traditional knowledge, women were and still are more commonly involved in its transmission to the next generation. Current plant uses are highlighted and prospects for the sustainable use of plants for personal and commercial purposes are discussed. / Graduate

This dissertation compares and contrasts aboriginal language planning within Canada at both the national and local scale. In 2005, the Aboriginal Languages Task Force released their foundational report which entailed “a national strategy to preserve, revitalize, and promote [Aboriginal] languages and cultures” (2005:1); however, discrepancies exist between their proposed strategies and the strategies employed locally by the Taku River Tlingit First Nation, located in Atlin, British Columbia, and the Loon River Cree First Nation, located in Loon Lake, Alberta. Using data collected during ethnographic fieldwork with each First Nation between 2005 and 2008, I provide a rationale for these discrepancies and propose reasons why the national strategy has, as of 2008, been unsuccessful. Both national and local strategies have focused on the relationship between land and language and its role in language planning. National language planning rhetoric has also utilized the concept of nationhood. However, both the Taku River Tlingit and the Loon River Cree use the concept of nationhood in conjunction with assertions of sovereignty over land and, therefore, situate their language planning within land planning. Throughout my research, I have been involved in volunteer language projects for each of the communities. These have included creating a Tlingit language board game entitled “Haa shagóon ítxh yaa ntoo.aat” (Traveling Our Ancestors’ Paths) and Cree language storybooks entitled Na mokatch nika poni âchimon (I will never quit telling stories). Both of these projects connect land use and language use and can be seen as part of local language planning strategies. Finally, the Aboriginal Languages Task Force uses the concept of “language as a right” within their national language planning strategies; however, the Taku River Tlingit and the Loon River Cree have instead utilized a “language as resource” ideology (Ruiz, 1984). I argue that the Taku River Tlingit First Nation and the Loon River Cree First Nation use “language as a resource” rhetoric due to their ideologies of land stewardship over Euro-Canadian models of land ownership and I argue that language planning can not stand on its own – separated from the historical, political, economic, social, and cultural considerations that a community faces.

No description available.