No description available.

No description available.

Ngalakgan is an Australian language of the Gunwinyguan family, spoken fluently by just a few people in the mid Roper River area of the Top End. The thesis is a description and examination of the phonology, prosody, and morphology of Ngalakgan, based on several years of fieldwork. Ngalakgan is a language with a rich inventory of classically Gunwinyguan morphological features, including noun class agreement for all major and some minor word classes, compounding of both nouns and verbs, and a rich array of modifying and inflectional prefixes and suffixes. In Ngalakgan, there is a distinction between two kinds or 'levels' of morphology: 'root'-level and 'word'-level. Root-level morphology is lexicalised and unproductive. It is restricted to the tense/aspect/mood inflection of the small closed class of 'finite' verb roots, and to the large closed class of compounds of these roots. Word-level morphology is productive, and includes almost all prefixes, all (non-tensed) suffixes and all clitics. Only word-level structure is consistently reflected in prosodic structure; forms which are complex only at the root-level are treated as prosodic units. I show that all word-level morphemes constitute prosodic domains: every word-level stem, affix and clitic potentially begins a new domain for metrical foot structure. Geminates and glottal stops are over-represented at morpheme boundaries in complex words. In addition, they are subject to complex, non-local alternations with simple stops and zero, respectively, in Ngalakgan and related languages. The alternations are conditioned by preceding geminates and voiceless obstruent clusters, as well as by prosodic and morphological structure. I propose that voiceless obstruent clusters constitute 'boundary signals' to morphological structure, in a similar fashion to stress and, like stress, are 'licensed' by the organisation of intonation. Ngalakgan displays a quantitive-sensitive stress system in roots which is apparently unique to languages of this area. Heavy syllables in Ngalakgan are those which are articulatorily and perceptually complex: those in which the coda is followed by a consonant with a distinct place of articulation. Geminates, homorganic nasal+stop clusters and glottal stops interact with this distinction in ways which are not predicted by current prosodic theories.

Ngalakgan is an Australian language of the Gunwinyguan family, spoken fluently by just a few people in the mid Roper River area of the Top End. The thesis is a description and examination of the phonology, prosody, and morphology of Ngalakgan, based on several years of fieldwork. Ngalakgan is a language with a rich inventory of classically Gunwinyguan morphological features, including noun class agreement for all major and some minor word classes, compounding of both nouns and verbs, and a rich array of modifying and inflectional prefixes and suffixes. In Ngalakgan, there is a distinction between two kinds or 'levels' of morphology: 'root'-level and 'word'-level. Root-level morphology is lexicalised and unproductive. It is restricted to the tense/aspect/mood inflection of the small closed class of 'finite' verb roots, and to the large closed class of compounds of these roots. Word-level morphology is productive, and includes almost all prefixes, all (non-tensed) suffixes and all clitics. Only word-level structure is consistently reflected in prosodic structure; forms which are complex only at the root-level are treated as prosodic units. I show that all word-level morphemes constitute prosodic domains: every word-level stem, affix and clitic potentially begins a new domain for metrical foot structure. Geminates and glottal stops are over-represented at morpheme boundaries in complex words. In addition, they are subject to complex, non-local alternations with simple stops and zero, respectively, in Ngalakgan and related languages. The alternations are conditioned by preceding geminates and voiceless obstruent clusters, as well as by prosodic and morphological structure. I propose that voiceless obstruent clusters constitute 'boundary signals' to morphological structure, in a similar fashion to stress and, like stress, are 'licensed' by the organisation of intonation. Ngalakgan displays a quantitive-sensitive stress system in roots which is apparently unique to languages of this area. Heavy syllables in Ngalakgan are those which are articulatorily and perceptually complex: those in which the coda is followed by a consonant with a distinct place of articulation. Geminates, homorganic nasal+stop clusters and glottal stops interact with this distinction in ways which are not predicted by current prosodic theories.

In this dissertation I will discuss some of the issues involved in maintenance of Aboriginal languages in Australia. Chapter 1 places the movement in a historical context, establishing why there is an interest in maintaining Aboriginal languages in the 1980s. In chapter 2 I ask what language maintenance actually is. Both 'language' and 'maintenance' need to be defined, and in doing so I suggest that we need something other than a structuralist notion of language. I distinguish two uses of the term 'language maintenance': (a) the activity of a group of speakers, usually described by linguists in terms of causes of maintenance, numbers of speakers over generations and so on; and (b) maintenance as an interventional practice, the approach that is favoured in this work. I also distinguish between maintenance of indigenous languages and maintenance of immigrant languages in the Australian context. / In chapter 3 I assess some arguments for language maintenance, and suggest that the strongest argument is based on social justice, with more commonly expressed arguments (e.g. that language is part of identity, that it is part of the national resources) often lacking firm ground, or else being potentially damaging. For example, if a language is equated with identity, then on what grounds do people still identify themselves with their heritage if they do not still speak that language? / Chapter 4 discusses some models that have been used for language maintenance, using the term now to include language resurrection, revival, renewal and language continuation. Following these models I discuss some of the causes for language shift, suggesting that an understanding of the causes may allow us to devise more appropriate interventional strategies, some of which are discussed in chapter 4.3. / Practical examples of the models and strategies of chapter 4 are included in a broader study of Aboriginal language maintenance in Western Australia in chapter 5. A brief historical sketch shows that little has been done by the colonial and state authorities to encourage the use of indigenous languages. The best examples of programmes aimed at maintaining the use of Aboriginal languages are in the community schools, and in the homelands movement, both examples relying on local community direction and involvement.

The settlement of the Nunavut land claim in 1993 followed closely by the enactment of the Nunavut territorial legislation in 1999 were significant historical events for all aboriginal peoples in Canada. The newly formed public government made a commitment to have Inuit traditional knowledge, language, and culture as the foundation of "all we do". This commitment provides the starting point for the present study, which explores how the role of Inuit language and culture is constructed within the curricula and practices of Nunavut schooling. Data were generated from dialogue with Nunavut teachers and with authors of the Inuuqatigiit curriculum. In order to interpret the interview texts, a discourse analysis was undertaken using James Gee's ideas of situated meanings, cultural models, and discourses at work within them in relation to the Nunavut schooling context. This analysis was informed by a critical review of government and academic texts related to northern education policy.

This thesis is a comprehensive description of Kuuk Thaayorre, a Paman language spoken on the west coast of Cape York Peninsula, Australia. On the basis of elicited data, narrative and semi-spontaneous conversation recorded between 2002 and 2005, this grammar details the phonetics and phonology, morphosyntax, lexical and constructional semantics and pragmatics of one of the few indigenous Australian languages still used as a primary means of communication. Kuuk Thaayorre possesses features of typological interest at each of these levels. At the phonological level, Kuuk Thaayorre possesses a particularly rich vowel inventory from an Australian perspective, with five distinct vowel qualities and two contrastive lengths producing ten vowel phonemes. It is in the phonotactic combination of sounds that Kuuk Thaayorre phonology is particularly noteworthy, however. Kuuk Thaayorre’s tendency towards closed syllables (with codas containing up to three consonants) frequently leads to consonant clusters of as many as four segments. Kuuk Thaayorre is also cross-linguistically unusual in allowing sequences of its two rhotics (an alveolar tap/trill and retroflex continuant) within the syllable – either as a complex coda or as onset plus syllabic rhotic. Finally, monosyllables are ubiquitous across all Thaayorre word classes, despite being generally rare in Australian languages.

No description available.

This dissertation compares and contrasts aboriginal language planning within Canada at both the national and local scale. In 2005, the Aboriginal Languages Task Force released their foundational report which entailed “a national strategy to preserve, revitalize, and promote [Aboriginal] languages and cultures” (2005:1); however, discrepancies exist between their proposed strategies and the strategies employed locally by the Taku River Tlingit First Nation, located in Atlin, British Columbia, and the Loon River Cree First Nation, located in Loon Lake, Alberta. Using data collected during ethnographic fieldwork with each First Nation between 2005 and 2008, I provide a rationale for these discrepancies and propose reasons why the national strategy has, as of 2008, been unsuccessful. Both national and local strategies have focused on the relationship between land and language and its role in language planning. National language planning rhetoric has also utilized the concept of nationhood. However, both the Taku River Tlingit and the Loon River Cree use the concept of nationhood in conjunction with assertions of sovereignty over land and, therefore, situate their language planning within land planning. Throughout my research, I have been involved in volunteer language projects for each of the communities. These have included creating a Tlingit language board game entitled “Haa shagóon ítxh yaa ntoo.aat” (Traveling Our Ancestors’ Paths) and Cree language storybooks entitled Na mokatch nika poni âchimon (I will never quit telling stories). Both of these projects connect land use and language use and can be seen as part of local language planning strategies. Finally, the Aboriginal Languages Task Force uses the concept of “language as a right” within their national language planning strategies; however, the Taku River Tlingit and the Loon River Cree have instead utilized a “language as resource” ideology (Ruiz, 1984). I argue that the Taku River Tlingit First Nation and the Loon River Cree First Nation use “language as a resource” rhetoric due to their ideologies of land stewardship over Euro-Canadian models of land ownership and I argue that language planning can not stand on its own – separated from the historical, political, economic, social, and cultural considerations that a community faces.

「原住民族語言能力認證」是我國為了推動原住民族的民族語言教育，在行政院原住民族委員會的策劃下，針對全國原住民各族族語能力所進行的一項資格檢定工作。本論文從語言規劃的角度評估族語能力認證制度的規劃與執行，一方面透過詞彙分析，評估認證考試題庫的詞彙設計；另一方面運用問卷調查方法，探究規劃單位、執行單位、認證委員、考生、以及非考生等五類受試者對於「族語能力認證制度」與首屆「族語能力認證考試」的各項態度。最後，對未來認證制度的實施，以及族語復振政策的方向，提供建議。 本論文第一章說明研究緣起與相關問題點。第二章描述族語能力認證實施過程的背景。第三章探討與本研究相關的理論與文獻，以利於理解族語能力認證在語言規劃和語言政策範疇裡的意義。第四章為研究設計，描述內容包括對首屆認證考試題庫中的詞彙進行分析的方法，以及對首屆認證考試的內容進行量化研究的問卷設計與資料分析方法。第五章為研究結果，提出各族認證題庫的詞彙、各族語言能力、各族語言使用情形、以及各族對族語認證制度的態度等四個層面的調查結果，並加以分析與討論。第六章為結論與建議。研究結果發現，首屆族語能力認證的擬定與實施，大體獲得各類受試者的肯定，為往後認證制度的規劃、執行與評鑑奠立了基礎。整體受試者並認為族語認證工作最重要的意義在於挽救族語流失，本研究因而建議往後的認證制度可朝此方向推展，以帶動更廣泛的族語學習與族語復振。本論文的主要貢獻在於為族語能力認證及相關語言規劃的評鑑步驟，建立初步的模式。 / This thesis aims to evaluate the planning and the first implementation of the Accreditation of the Aboriginal Languages Proficiency (AALP), which is directed by Council of Indigenous Peoples, Executive Yuan, with the view of promoting the education of aboriginal languages in Taiwan. There are six chapters in this thesis. Chapter One describes the purpose of this study and presents some related problems. Chapter Two presents the backgrounds of AALP. In Chapter Three, the related theories and studies are reviewed and discussed. Chapter Four depicts the research designs, including the methodology to evaluate the vocabulary test in the first AALP, questionnaire design to elicit subjects' opinions about the policy of AALP and its first implementation, and methods for data analysis. Chapter Five reports the results in terms of vocabulary analysis, language proficiency, language use, and language attitudes toward AALP. The last Chapter offers conclusions and suggestions. One of the major findings lies in that AALP is widely recognized, and the results of its first implementation may serve as a guideline for its future implementation. It is also believed that AALP may help to revitalize aboriginal languages in Taiwan and thus reverse the language shift related. Therefore, it is suggested that AALP should be continued by following the current model.