The main purpose of this thesis is to find out the economic factors that contributed to the successful promotion of Mandarin during martial law period, and serve as a reference for future language planning. Taiwan used to be ruled by Dutch, Koxinga, Qing dynasty, Japan, and the Republic of China (ROC) government. Thus, Taiwanese society gradually becomes multiethnic, multicultural, and, to my greatest concern, multilingual. Each ruling power had tried to impose different degrees of language policies on Taiwan, particularly Japan and the ROC government that were eager to establish an official language. Eventually, the successful popularization of Mandarin is overwhelming. A number of theories and materials regarding the relationship between language and economy have been reviewed. First of all, it is argued that language could be objectified and valued. Thus, different language varieties contain different values. Second, according to rational choice theory, people make choices that would maximize their benefits. The implication is that people choose to learn a certain language variety that benefits them most. Third, as an economy becomes more and more advanced, linguistic diversity might be reduced. The ethnolinguistic groups, language varieties, and language history of Taiwan are also discussed. There are four major ethnolinguistic groups in Taiwan: Hoklo, Hakka, aboriginal people, and Chinese Mainlanders. As for language varieties, Hoklo, Hakka, Mandarin, Taiwan Guoyu, and aboriginal languages are separately dealt with. The language history of Taiwan is divided into the evolution of spoken and written language of Taiwan. Then, the economic value of each language varieties in Taiwan during martial law period is assessed. The result is that Mandarin possessed the highest economic value. Besides, some features of economic development, such as structural change, the emergence of social classes, the desire to gain upward social mobility, expansion in education, and examination systems that favored Mandarin, also facilitated the spread of Mandarin. And through a comparison between the Japan-led and ROC-led island-wide language directives, this thesis argues that political factors alone could not sufficiently explain the successful promotion of an official language. Economic factors must be taken into account as well. Finally, some suggestions are proposed for the maintenance and revitalization of Hoklo, Hakka, and aboriginal languages.

國語政策的實施造成台灣地區原住民族母語嚴重地流失，產生語言轉移的現象。2001年（九十學年度）教育部首度將鄉土語言列為正式課程，開始實施強制性每週一節的母語教學課程。然此項母語教學辦法的實施，其實施前的評估和之後的檢討均未進行，因此本論文以布農族為例，從語言政策的觀點探討台灣地區原住民的母語教育政策。一方面從語言能力、語言使用、及語言態度等層面來調查布農族人的語言轉移情形；另一方面從其對母語教育政策的態度檢討當前布農語教學的實施現況。 本論文研究方法採問卷調查和深度訪談，同時進行量化和質化的研究。探查之學校於是八個布農族為主的山地鄉，以隨機取樣的方式，各抽取兩所學校，因此共計十六個學校納入調查範圍。問卷部份，主要根據年齡和教育程度兩個社會變項，在各組中採集等量的問卷。深度訪談則針對學校行政人員（校長與教務主任）、母語老師、家長、和學生，進行母語教學相關議題的訪談。問卷調查在探查普遍性的分佈狀況，而訪談目的則在探討問卷結果背後的理由。 調查結果發現，布農族人的母語能力和母語使用均出現隨著年齡層下降、教育程度升高而衰退的情形，顯示母語轉移的痕跡。在刻板印象上，高年齡層受試者對母語的評價較國語高，低年齡層和兩個教育層的受試者對布農語和國語的刻板印象評價則不達顯著，均一致地高。在學習動機方面，受試者不分年齡或教育程度，均一致認為國語之工具性動機高過布農語。而以布農語本身的融合性動機顯著高於工具性動機，顯示布農語對布農族人的功能為象徵性強過實用性。在對母語教育政策的看法上，一般而言都支持度都相當高；但在教學內容的實行上，如教學時間、師資問題等則多有意見，受訪者指出若干問題，並提出相關建議。 本研究結果證實布農族人的母語發生轉移現象，希望日後相關單位在訂定或修正語言政策時，可以對原住民母語轉移現象的挽救提供幫助。 / The implementation of Guoyu Policy in Taiwan has caused the minority groups, (in particular, the Indigenous peoples) a serious language shift, shifting from their mother tongues to Guoyu, the national language. To remedy the problem, "Mother Tongue Education" has been implemented since 1996. Unfortunately, there has never been any official evaluation on this policy. For this reason, this thesis aims at providing a preliminary evaluation of it through an investigation of the Bunun's proficiency in their mother tongue, their use of it, their attitudes toward their mother tongue and the policy. The research methods applied in conducting this study include both quantitative and qualitative analysis. For the former, 279 questionnaires (out of 300) were collected and analyzed, with a focus on sociolinguistic differences based on age and education level. For the latter, 36 informants (including school administrators, mother tongue teachers, students, and their parents) from 15 Bunun primary schools were interviewed. The results of statistic tests indicate that the Bunun's proficiency in their mother tongue and the frequency of using it decline with decrease of their age and increase of their education level. Among the various social groups, only subjects of higher education level show a positive attitude more favorable to Guoyu than to Bunun; while the other groups give equal ranking to both of the two languages. Moreover, the Bunun subjects, as a whole, consider Guoyu being more instrumental than Bunun; however, it is Bunun that receive higher score for integrative motivation, which indicates that Bunun still plays a symbolic function to the Bunun people. As to their attitudes toward the policy of mother tongue education, generally all the subjects show their support to it, although they point out, at the same time, that the policy should be modified on several aspects, such as problems related to the length of teaching hour and the sources of qualified mother tongue teachers. Most of the findings derived from quantitative analysis are confirmed by the subjects of the interviews. The general conclusion of this thesis is that the Bunun are experiencing a language shift from their mother tongue to Guoyu. It is suggested that the government and the institutions concerned should locate effective measures to meet the imperative needs in saving the mother tongues of the minority groups.

本論文研究「客家電視作為我國第一家由政府出資設立的族群電視，它的成立背景有何歷史結構因素交雜其間？也就是在台灣的社會脈絡下，設立族群媒體是為了撥正主流社會價值觀的偏差？抑或僅是一個政治性考量？而在客家電視建台完成後，又應如何思考以開放性的文化認同，建構多元平等的公共空間？」 透過史料文獻分析、深度訪談六位曾參與規劃建置客家電視的相關人員，以釐清客家電視的生成脈絡。同時本研究也援引雷蒙‧威廉士(Raymond Williams)的「節目編排：分佈與流程」的概念，分析客家電視台的節目編排策略；並輔以考察國外族群電視個案，指出客家電視所面臨的困境，以及提供參考建議。 研究發現，客家族群1980年代後期以降的社運訴求，成為陳水扁在2000年的競選承諾之一，具體展現為客家電視在2003年7月1日開台。但陳的客家政策白皮書明訂：客語頻道開播五年後，政府將不再編列預算補助，由頻道自負盈虧。這也造成客家電視初期是以標案方式委託民間媒體營運。「一年一標」的招標方式，不論是在法規、經費、人力配置上都有重大瑕疵。本研究因而認為，民進黨最初為選票訴求而承諾與創設，惟若無後續改革，客家族群電視促進多元文化發展的成效將極為有限。 2007年1月客家電視加入台灣公廣集團(TBS)運作後，客家電視台的節目製播內容已有改變。研究發現，晚間七點播出的【暗夜新聞】的整體流程編排，企圖呈現一種以客家人角度看世界的新聞意象。然而客家電視在經費來源、法制未明的狀況下，未來的發展仍有變數；另一方面，在客家電視也應去思考頻道本身的調性定位問題。

隨著世界地球村的概念發展，各國家族群間的文化也漸趨多元，而多元文化主義的興起，主要就是為解決一國之內多元族群間的文化差異造成的問題。近年在英國、挪威、法國發生了幾起相關的社會事件；在瑞士也出現過禁蓋伊斯蘭教宣禮塔的新聞；而法國、比利時則有禁戴伊斯蘭面紗的法案。因此多元文化主義的實行方向在歐洲又重新引起軒然大波，歐洲各國也紛紛開始檢視國內多元文化主義政策及未來發展。 本研究探討比利時政府在面對境內不同語區的文化迥異時，如何推動多元文化主義政策。研究中介紹比利時多元文化主義政策之各基礎面向、分析雙語族群間的歧異點，並藉由禁戴伊斯蘭面紗法案來探討比利時對待國內少數族群的態度。以上述層面來總結比利時多元文化主義發展及挑戰，希冀本研究提供臺灣在面對本土、新移民等文化融合時可做為參考、借鏡。 / With the development of the concept of “global village” , the cultures within the nation have become diverse, and the rise of “multiculturalism” is to solve the problem of cultural differences in the multi-ethnic states. In recent years, the social events in the United Kingdom, Norway, and in Switzerland, there is the ban of the mosque minaret; also in France, Belgium there is the ban of “burka”. Since the implementation of multiculturalism again caused an uproar in Europe, european countries have also begun to review the policy of multiculturalism and its future development. This study examines how Belgian government promotes the policy of multiculturalism when facing the cultural differences between the two linguistic areas. It introduces Belgium’s policies of multiculturalism and the discrepancy points among the bilingual populations, and examines how Belgium confronts domestic minorities through the burka ban act. By summarizing the developments and challenges from the above mentioned, hope this study can provide a reference for Taiwan in the face of cultural integration.

近年來，隨著高等教育國際化的浪潮，全台各大學無不致力於外籍學生的招收，近年來來台交換學生人數之急遽增加即為一例。而除了專業課程外，華語學習亦為交換生在台生活重要之一環，可幫助其解決生活上之語言困難，亦可使其藉由語言之學習了解中華文化。品質優良且針對性高的華語課程，為吸引交換學生來台之誘因之一，可見華語課程之設計與提供與交換學生之招收息息相關。 基於以上背景，筆者在此研究中藉由問卷調查、訪談及課堂觀察等三種方式蒐集資料，並以某公立大學為對象，將其於99學年度春季期入學且選修華語課程之交換學生進行個案探討，檢視目前交換學生華語學習之情形，目的在於（一）了解交換學生之背景與學習特性，並檢視各項可能影響其華語學習之因素。（二）深入瞭解目前交換生對於華語課程之意見，包括對於教師、教材、教學法及上課內容等。（三）了解行政人員對於交換生華語課程之規劃情形與華語教師在教學中所遇到的困難。（四）藉由以上幾點，分析該校目前華語課程之優缺點，並且提出對未來華語課程之改進建議。 筆者將上述所蒐集之資料進行分析及探討，發現交換生確有與其他類型之外籍學生不同之華語學習特性—其多屬短期且初級之華語學習者，且華語學習多半並非來台交換之主要目的。然而，因目前提供之華語課程設計普遍無法配合交換生之學習需求、交換生本身華語學習之特殊性未被重視及提出討論，以及學校目前缺乏完善的華語課程配套措施等若干原因，導致學生學習動機低落、教師教學困難及學校資源浪費等結果，此現象值得注意。 最後，筆者針對上述之發現，分別對於該校國合處、華語中心及華語教師三方面提供未來可能之改進建議。關於國合處，筆者建議：（一）釐清華語課程之責任歸屬（二）將「華語」及「文化」課程結合（三）華語獎學金配套措施之改善（四）加強學生課外華語接觸機會；關於華語中心，筆者建議：（一）加強對交換生之課程規劃及教材設計（二）設置專任或常任之特別班教師（三）注意特別班程度不齊的問題（四）設立特別班課程評鑑機制；關於華語教師，筆者建議：（一）捨棄以課本為核心的教學（二）聽說為主、讀寫為輔的上課方式（三）實用取向的上課內容（四）上課要求的提高（五）教師間教材的分享與合作（六）善用任務教學法、結合活動教學。本研究之分析與建議，可在目前來台交換生總數急速成長的情形下，提供各大學交換生華語課程改進之參考。

「原住民族語言能力認證」是我國為了推動原住民族的民族語言教育，在行政院原住民族委員會的策劃下，針對全國原住民各族族語能力所進行的一項資格檢定工作。本論文從語言規劃的角度評估族語能力認證制度的規劃與執行，一方面透過詞彙分析，評估認證考試題庫的詞彙設計；另一方面運用問卷調查方法，探究規劃單位、執行單位、認證委員、考生、以及非考生等五類受試者對於「族語能力認證制度」與首屆「族語能力認證考試」的各項態度。最後，對未來認證制度的實施，以及族語復振政策的方向，提供建議。 本論文第一章說明研究緣起與相關問題點。第二章描述族語能力認證實施過程的背景。第三章探討與本研究相關的理論與文獻，以利於理解族語能力認證在語言規劃和語言政策範疇裡的意義。第四章為研究設計，描述內容包括對首屆認證考試題庫中的詞彙進行分析的方法，以及對首屆認證考試的內容進行量化研究的問卷設計與資料分析方法。第五章為研究結果，提出各族認證題庫的詞彙、各族語言能力、各族語言使用情形、以及各族對族語認證制度的態度等四個層面的調查結果，並加以分析與討論。第六章為結論與建議。研究結果發現，首屆族語能力認證的擬定與實施，大體獲得各類受試者的肯定，為往後認證制度的規劃、執行與評鑑奠立了基礎。整體受試者並認為族語認證工作最重要的意義在於挽救族語流失，本研究因而建議往後的認證制度可朝此方向推展，以帶動更廣泛的族語學習與族語復振。本論文的主要貢獻在於為族語能力認證及相關語言規劃的評鑑步驟，建立初步的模式。 / This thesis aims to evaluate the planning and the first implementation of the Accreditation of the Aboriginal Languages Proficiency (AALP), which is directed by Council of Indigenous Peoples, Executive Yuan, with the view of promoting the education of aboriginal languages in Taiwan. There are six chapters in this thesis. Chapter One describes the purpose of this study and presents some related problems. Chapter Two presents the backgrounds of AALP. In Chapter Three, the related theories and studies are reviewed and discussed. Chapter Four depicts the research designs, including the methodology to evaluate the vocabulary test in the first AALP, questionnaire design to elicit subjects' opinions about the policy of AALP and its first implementation, and methods for data analysis. Chapter Five reports the results in terms of vocabulary analysis, language proficiency, language use, and language attitudes toward AALP. The last Chapter offers conclusions and suggestions. One of the major findings lies in that AALP is widely recognized, and the results of its first implementation may serve as a guideline for its future implementation. It is also believed that AALP may help to revitalize aboriginal languages in Taiwan and thus reverse the language shift related. Therefore, it is suggested that AALP should be continued by following the current model.

「語言政策」即「語言規劃」和「語言建設」之總和，為國家、政府、政黨、階級、社會團體用以改變或維持語言之現況或標準的措施。因此語言政策為改變「語言情況」之中要因素之一，它的制定和變更也常被當作多民族國家的政治手段。 近年來，由於語言政策之改變而造成的民族衝突，國際間戰爭不斷發生，更凸顯初制訂與實行語言政策的重要性。俄羅斯聯邦為一多民族國家，在語言政策方面的經驗，相對較豐富，其中一聯邦主體——圖瓦共和國，其境內主要構成民族之語言（圖瓦語）和超語言（俄語）間的關係，和台灣台語與華語的情況較為相似，此外，圖瓦共和國在語言情況之緩解方面已產生諸多對策，其經驗應有助於台灣之語言規劃和語言政策之制定。 本論文分析二十世紀末至二十一世紀初圖瓦共和國的國家語言政策。學者針對圖瓦共和國語言情況與語言規劃相關文獻資料做出統整，歸納出二十世紀末至二十一世紀初圖瓦共和國在學術研究、書籍編纂、官方公務、教育、媒體、宗教與文化個方面之語言規劃及語言建設成果。

本論文探討的主題有四：（一）陳述中文文法手語與台灣自然手語各語言層級結構的異同，並探查兩套手語系統結構差異部分的語言溝通效率與語意清晰度；（二）瞭解受試者兩套手語系統的語言能力及其語言使用情形；（三）調取受試者對兩套手語系統的語言刻板印象與手語政策態度；（四）探討現階段手語政策的實施。 本論文包含量化與質化的研究方法，研究對象為年滿十八歲、居住在大台北地區、且以手語為主要使用語言之聽覺障礙者。量化研究包含手語結構評估問卷及手語使用情形與語言態度問卷。受試者須先完成結構評估測驗，才進行手語使用情形與語言態度問卷之填答。手語結構評估問卷針對兩套手語系統之迅速程度、模糊程度、與歧異程度加以測試。語言結構評估項目共有基本詞彙、詞組、時貌、副詞、簡單句型、複句句型、與篇章等七大類共一百九十四項，以影片方式呈現。受試者每觀看完一項評估項目，即立刻根據影片內容回答問卷上之題目。語言使用情形與語言態度問卷則探查受試者手語能力、手語使用、及語言態度。本論文以非機率抽樣的滾雪球抽樣方式進行量化問卷的發放，共回收75份有效樣本，進行無母數統計分析。質化研究以深入訪談方式進行，以立意抽樣方式共訪問六名受訪者，重點在探查量化問卷所發現的結果之原因。 研究結果顯示，在結構評估測驗中，除了詞組與簡單句型之遞繫句之外，自然手語的溝通效率與語意清晰度皆高於文法手語。受試者的兩套手語系統能力均等，且兩套手語使用頻率主要決定於談話對象的語言使用。語言刻板印象與手語政策態度的調查結果顯示，受試者對自然手語有較高的評價。 依據研究結果，本論文建議現階段手語政策應調整其語言規劃方針，將自然手語納入啟聰學校正式教學語言。對未來手語政策規劃之建議為：研訂相關法令、設立專職機構、擴充手語詞彙並編撰手語字典、明訂啟聰學校教師教學溝通政策與鑑定教師手語能力、培育專業手語翻譯人才、設置手語相關節目並提供無溝通障礙環境、獎勵手語研究與推廣工作、增設相關系所。 關鍵字：台灣自然手語、中文文法手語、語言態度、語言政策 / This thesis aims to (1) compares the language structure of Chinese Signed Language (CSL) with Taiwan Sign Language (TSL), and investigates the efficiency, vagueness, and ambiguity of these two language systems; (2) to provide a preliminary evaluation of the implementation of Sign Language Policy in Taiwan through an investigation of the deaf’s proficiency in CSL and TSL, their use of them, and their attitudes toward both these two linguistic systems and the related policy. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses are adopted. Quantitative analysis includes two tests. On “structure evaluation test,” the efficiency, vagueness, and ambiguity of CSL and TSL are investigated. Evaluated items are taped into 194 segments of films, distributed on 7 linguistic levels, including lexical items, phrases, tense, adverbs, simple sentences, complex sentences, and discourse. Subjects are required to answer the questionnaire immediately after each test item is shown. “Sign language use and attitude questionnaire” is to elicit the deaf’s language proficiency, language use, and language attitudes. 75 questionnaires are collected through nonprobability sampling and nonparamentric statistical test with all the subjects being deaf adults who live in Taipei area and use sign language for communication. For qualitative analysis, 6 informants were interviewed through judgemental samplings to interpret the results of the questionnaires. The results of statistic tests indicate that TSL is more efficient, less vague and less ambiguous than CSL. Moreover, the subjects’ proficiency in the two sign language systems are equally good and their frequency of language use are decided by their interlocutors. As to their attitudes toward the two sign languages and the related language policy, all the subjects show support to TSL. Based on the findings from the quantitative and qualitative analysis, suggestions are given as follows. Legislate the law. Establish a government institution, institute lexicology, set the instructional language of the deaf school and evaluate the proficiency of deaf school teachers. Train the interpreters and provide communication unimpediment environment. Investigate sign language research, and plant institution. Key words: Taiwan Sign Language, Chinese Signed Language, language attitude, language policy

蘇聯解體後，有大量的俄羅斯人生活在前蘇聯加盟共和國內。像是愛沙尼亞與拉脫維亞在獨立過後，有三分之一的人口是俄裔人口。而大多數的俄裔人口都仍偏好使用俄語作為生活用語。此時，便延伸出一個問題，是否應針對這些少數民族俄裔人口之語言權利而增加官方語言。因此，在語言政策方面，便是一個極為關鍵的議題。 本論文將會先從歷史背景，亦即蘇聯時期開始討論。將各階段的語言政策一一分析，接著依序討論愛沙尼亞及拉脫維亞的語言政策之背景以及語言法之分析，最後從中找出結論。 / Many Russians lived former Soviet republics after the dissolution of the Soviet Un- ion. Therefore, one third of the population was still Russian after Estonia and Latvia independence. Most of the Russians still prefer to use Russian for daily basis. The lan- guage policy was becoming a crucial topic to discuss whether those countries should add Russian for official language. This policy would strongly relate to the language rights of minority Russians. This paper will discuss the Soviet Union historical background which analyze the lan- guage policies of different period, and then discuss the background of linguistic poli- cies and language law in order in Estonia and Latvia.