In the political history of Soviet Union, state securty is the most important role for Soviet leader ,and KGB was one of the most remarkable security organization in Soviet history. Under president Mikhail Gorbachev's democratization and glasnost policies, the vast security system also faced serious change and collapse. Everyone knows, the Soviet regime was liberalizing and softening, cries of Perestroika and Glasnost filled the air, the KGB was transforming itself from an instrument of state power to a state power in rules of law. However, the KGB had seized the unique opportunity afforded by the political and economic chaos of Perestroika and Glasnost years to acquire more power of decision-making. After the August 1991 coup, Mikhail Gorbachev signed into law the formal end of the KGB, that is ,the KGB was declared formerly dead on Nov.26, 1991. Then the KGB had splited into a number of independent agencies, but we knew that the KGB had been altered, not abolished. When the USSR dissolved, Gorbachev's time was gone---instead of the new "democratic" government of Boris Yeltsin, and KGB also transferred to the Russian Federation. Although the security apparatus in Russia has changed its name several times since 1991, the functions of the former KGB dispersed among several agencies, president Boris Yeltsin still attempted to centralize those services, then become the power of direct president control. So this study analyzes and explains mainly the Soviet state security sevices of Gorbachev period and the post-Soviet successors in Russia Federation how to build, what are the structures, what are the main functions of services, and what are their potential effects on Russian. In conclusion, the KGB was still a necessary part of Russian political game, a dangerous weapon used by Yeltsin against Gorbachev, by Gorbachev against Yeltsin, by consolidation of Yeltsin's power, even if the KGB has been restructured and renamed, it is still a formidable force with extensive potential to the democratization of Russia. So what the changes of former KGB and the imtelligence organization of Russian Federation from Gorbachev to Yeltsin will need to study carefully in the future.

80年代出生於蘇聯，筆者與童年伙伴們見證了國家極大變遷的時代，也成為了該年代的小孩。新俄羅斯的90年代讓我們親自體驗家鄉從「世界上最厲害」變成「最破爛的地方」180度的轉變。可我們從未想過，長大後會被社會學家輕易地稱之為遺失的世代。 蘇聯解體後的俄羅斯經歷了經濟大幅下滑和接踵而來的兩次金融危機，1993年和1996年兩次大規模的私有化運動，在加上俄羅斯社會秩序也因此差點崩潰，這些事件對俄國人民造成極大的衝擊，導致了社會發展停滯甚至倒退。當時我們的父母經歷了很恐怖的十年，可是我們自己也沒有想到，這一切對我們的世代造成了多大的隱形傷害。國家解體後，家裡沒有錢的小朋友跟其父母一同失去了被尊重的權利。而殘酷的90年代吞掉了很多的家長，也帶走了很多的夢想。普通人不是被逼辭職，就是幾個月沒領薪水，或是選擇離開家，到很遍遠的地方以健康換來薪水。當俄羅斯人民認識了市場經濟時，由蘇聯長輩帶大的我們都還沉浸於蘇聯生活態度、道德與世界觀。我們從小那麼用心準備邁入的那個世界徹底貶值了，突然間變得好陌生，並不像蘇聯兒童書與電影講的那樣。長大後，新社會的密碼我們無法揭開。雖然無法接受政府樹立的新時代理念，90年代的小孩，還堅信著做對社會有貢獻的工作才有意義，就算「做好事有好報」這個道理在現代社會眼裡已徹底失效。 作品內容平均分為文字、繪圖與相片三種文本；敘述風格以較單獨文字片段來解決故事經過的陳述。而且由於本作品是創作者整理過的回憶的緣故，內容大都是屬於情感層面，所以故事情境充分表達通過數位技術較容易達成的目標。相較傳統文字作品，數位技術有提供給創作者更多表達方式與傳達管道。所以筆者決定將《蘇聯遺失的小孩》本作品將以兩個形式呈現：印刷版與電子版（iBookAuthor2）。雖然都基於同樣的懷舊氛圍，傳統圖文書與電子書將成為兩個獨立的作品。

蘇聯解體後，有大量的俄羅斯人生活在前蘇聯加盟共和國內。像是愛沙尼亞與拉脫維亞在獨立過後，有三分之一的人口是俄裔人口。而大多數的俄裔人口都仍偏好使用俄語作為生活用語。此時，便延伸出一個問題，是否應針對這些少數民族俄裔人口之語言權利而增加官方語言。因此，在語言政策方面，便是一個極為關鍵的議題。 本論文將會先從歷史背景，亦即蘇聯時期開始討論。將各階段的語言政策一一分析，接著依序討論愛沙尼亞及拉脫維亞的語言政策之背景以及語言法之分析，最後從中找出結論。 / Many Russians lived former Soviet republics after the dissolution of the Soviet Un- ion. Therefore, one third of the population was still Russian after Estonia and Latvia independence. Most of the Russians still prefer to use Russian for daily basis. The lan- guage policy was becoming a crucial topic to discuss whether those countries should add Russian for official language. This policy would strongly relate to the language rights of minority Russians. This paper will discuss the Soviet Union historical background which analyze the lan- guage policies of different period, and then discuss the background of linguistic poli- cies and language law in order in Estonia and Latvia.