Sustainable tourism development strategies are regarded as suitable for developed countries, while pro-poor tourism strategies are seen as suitable approaches for underdeveloped countries. Both approaches stress the importance of local community-based or collaborative tourism management. The goal of these strategies is for local communities to achieve a more equitable share of benefits accruing from tourism development. This study dealt with the problem of which policy changes need to be brought about to ensure sustainable tourism development on Bazaruto Island. From an economic perspective, one would wish to examine the economic returns to tourism, ensuring that as many of the benefits as possible stay within Mozambique while some accrue to local community members. In addition, from an ecological perspective, it would be necessary to ensure that much of the pristine environment is retained. The local community would wish to ensure significant participation in preserving and promoting its culture as part of the development of tourism.

Communal land values can, on the one hand, be an integral part of the socio-cultural experience which tourists seek and enjoy while visiting Fiji. Partly inherited from the land, such values are still vital as basis of survival in rural Fiji. They are passive so they do not command a price and therefore largely considered free however, indigenous Fijian landowners tend to perceive that such values are an inseparable part of their land and may often expect that these ought to be paid for when land is taken up for development such as in tourism. This dilemma within the tourism system could underpin land conflicts between traditional landowners and tourism entrepreneurs. As tourists ultimately bear costs, the problem can be partially addressed by focusing on their willingness to pay for communal use of land. This research assesses the backpackers� willingness to pay (WTP) for communal values of land in Fiji, including their opinions, feelings, attitudes and perceptions. It uses a social, psychological-economic theoretical framework which postulates firstly, that backpackers will pay in order to maximise satisfaction and, that utilities from passive values can be derived and measured. Secondly, as backpackers search for authenticity, adventure and meeting local people they would tend to be self actualised and therefore willing to pay. A contingent valuation study was undertaken in Fiji from February to June 2003 with a relatively high participation and response rate. Semi-structured interviews were conducted from February to March, 2005 to elicit backpackers� knowledge, feelings, perceptions and attitudes regarding their willingness to pay for the communal use of land. A great majority of respondents were willing to pay. CV respondents were willing to pay an average of F$6.50 for the communal value of land but the younger, highly educated and long haulers would pay less. Though a high proportion of respondents were willing to pay because they valued the communal use of land, for the majority the main reason was financial. Interviewees were willing to pay for economic, psychological and egocentric reasons. The latter two were particularly based on their motivational satisfaction and understanding of the traditional land-based survival skills. Respondents� perceptions of communal values of land, incomes and psychological attitude were also major factors underlying why they were not willing to pay. In light of the study�s findings, it was suggested that the backpacker concept may need to be re-examined as they tended not to be necessarily as budget-minded and exploitative as generally depicted to be. Similarly, they tended to be self-actualising and also espousing motivations similar to those of mass tourists. It was also proposed that WTP can provide a basis for economically analysing the use of passive values of environmental tourism resources, such as land, which can facilitate the industry�s ability in decision making, and management. As an incentive, WTP for communal values of land can be crucial in enhancing and sustaining tourism in a land-scarce economy such as Fiji. In the interim, WTP for communal land use could also provide informed decisions to address current issues such as the Customary Fisheries Bill. Indeed, this pioneering study examines the very issues of passive values for traditionally owned resources which can be applied more broadly; not only in Fiji, but also in other parts of the Pacific.

Apparently, gambling seems to be valued as a leisure activity and a form of entertainment in many parts of the world. Public attitudes toward gambling have shifted from viewing it as a vice to treating it as an opportunity to exploit (Eadington 1997, 2000). Relaxation of constraints on existing commercial gaming activities and legislative change in authorising gambling has occurred extensively. The proliferation of casinos makes people perceive gambling as a legitimate activity and as an economic hope. According to Pizam and Pokela (1985), casino gambling however is a controversial tourism development strategy. Eadington (1986) also points out that legalised gambling causes economic and social changes in communities and changes their image. Thus, both the character and reputation of the community may be altered as a result of initiating casinos as a tourist attraction. The legalisation of gambling has been a subject of considerable debates in Thailand for a decade and it has been brought into the cabinet�s meeting from time to time. Some politicians and academic scholars suggest that casinos should be introduced as a tourism development strategy to combat the country�s economic and financial crisis. Many people are attached to strong belief that gambling is a sinful activity. It is inherently immoral and contrary to accepted family and social values. It is a voluntary regressive tax in which its effects fall most heavily on lower-income groups. It is morally wrong, and can cause an addiction that is often linked to personal and family tragedies. It also attracts criminal activities and political corruption (Piriyarangsan et al. 2003; Cornwel-Smith 2005). As social acceptance of casino gambling has globally increased, this research aims to gauge hospitality management perspectives on gambling and casino tourism. The focus of the paper is to investigate hospitality executives� attitudes towards relationship between Thai tourism and casino gambling; to explore their views on casino legalisation and regulation; as well as to examine their opinions about casino impacts, operation and management if casinos are legalised in Thailand. Mail questionnaires were carried out during September 2003 - February 2004, resulting in 212 returns of respondents. Then, 18 semi-structured interviews with hotel and tour executives, politicians, policemen, government officials, directors of social service organisations and religious leaders were undertaken in May - July 2005 to acquire more insights into the issues. A combination of quantitative and qualitative data indicates that Thai people have mixed feelings about casino tourism. Although quantitative findings show hospitality group welcome the idea, but they do not want it in their own backyard. Qualitative results are more in opposition. Majority of interviewees hold the differing views. The study concludes that casinos gambling may function simply as a value added or an enhancement to a destination in Thailand, not a main tourism attraction. It is strongly suggested that casino gambling and Thai tourism industry should not be connected. Instead, �Thai� hospitality and cultures should be promoted as a unique tourism product of Thailand.

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The thesis focuses on documentation regarding the historical growth of tourism at Te Wairoa, Rotorua, New Zealand. Te Wairoa acted as a gateway to Otukapuarangi and Te Tarata of Rotomahana which represented an iconic tourism landscape in the nineteenth century. A theoretical engagement with tourism studies and the utilisation of history as an analytical device reveals that the consumption of the tourism landscape is an ongoing, contested, and negotiated cultural construction of place.The history of tourism development at Te Wairoa exhibits the entrenchment of European colonial power in New Zealand. However, within the structures of colonial authority, strategies of survival for the colonised are employed. In this particular case, the strategies include the engagement with Western ethics of capitalism, the manipulation and appropriation of symbols of the 'other', and the control of access through land ownership. The economic and social development of Te Wairoa, based on a tourism economy, also highlights the existent tensions in both a colonial and post-colonial relationship in New Zealand.The research further argues that individual tourism sites reflect culturally ascribed values associated with place. As the combination of exogenous and endogenous social, cultural, political and economic forces evolve so to does the production and consumption of the tourism landscape. Evidence for these considerations is provided by publicly available historical material including archival documents, historical literature, contemporary accounts, newspapers, and government records. The result is an in-depth study which provides an original and thematic interpretation of the history of Te Wairoa as well as supporting a model for investigating change in the cultural construction of place.