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The objectives of this thesis are twofold. First, to provide an empirical test on two analytical approaches outlined by Beaumont and Elliott (1986) as possible explanations on the union joining/union choice process amongst nurses. The first model stresses the role of personal values (represented indirectly by the personal and demographic profiles of individuals) that employees "bring into" their workplace. The second model focuses on the "historical patterns of organisations (of the RCI and the TUC affiliates) in the different parts of the nursing service" (p.3). My second objective is to identify and ascertain the relative importance of key determinants that differentiate existing RCI (Royal College of Nursing) and non-RCN members. This thesis seeks to look at the whole unionisation process. Apart from asking what particular influences determine a nurse's choice between joining the Confederation of Health Service Employees (COHSE), lational Union of Public Employees (NOPE), lational and Local Government Officers' Assoication (NALGQ) and the RCI, it also looks at why nurses choose to stay with the same employee organization or change to another health union. Xore importantly, it aims to find out how RCI members and members from COHSE/NUPE/IALGO differ in their attitude towards professionalism (nurses' attitude towards the nursing profession and their own involvement vii flbstract in strike action) and trade unionism in the nursing sector. Discriminant analysis is performed to ascertain the relative importance of these attitudinal variables, in conjunction with establishment characteristics <hospi tal type and hospital location), benefits of union membership as well as personal and job-related characteristics. The study is based on a questionnaire survey of 828 qualified nurses in the North of England. Of the six district health authorities surveyed, 17 hospitals are included in the final analysis. Only qualified staff working on the ward are included. Also, to simplify the investigation, midwives are not involved. The study limits discussion of employee organizations to CORSE, NOPE, NALGO and the Royal College. All data were collected before the well-publicized Xanchester "strike" which involved 34 night nurses on 7 January, 1988. The findings here support Beaumont and Elliott's view on the importance of historical patterns in the determination of union membership status. Empirical evidence further indicate that, in addition to establishment characteristics, an equally important (if not more important) factor is at work which also consistently differentiates RCN from non-RCN members: nurses' attitude towards different types of health unions (as proxied by COHSE, llUPE/NALGO and the RCN). other significant discriminators include nurses' attitude towards strike action, specific beneH ts of union membership, nursing grade, gender, educational qualifications, full- or part-time employment as well as length of union membership with current employee organization.

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The Conservative governments of 1979-1997 were determined to reduce what they saw as "excessive union power". A succession of Employment and Trade Union Acts designed to undermine collective organisation and therefore trade union power were passed. The common perception tends to be that trade union power has been severely curtailed; however, some researchers suggest that very little has changed on the shopfloor. The main aim of the research was to ascertain what trade union members thought about the power of their trade unions. The focus of the study was on the local and workplace union organisations of the ABEU and UNISON. The research involved a case study approach. Data was obtained through the use of observation, interviews, questionnaires and the analysis of documentary evidence. It is concluded that trade union power is still a reality in the 199Os, though that power may be looked upon differently depending whether the focus is on unions at a national level or within the workplace. National unions may have changed but workplace organisations appear to remain much the same as they always have; some workplace organisations are effective and others do not appear to be as successful at achieving their aims. The success of workplace trade unionism is dependent upon the personalities and styles of working of the lay representatives. The legislation appears to have had little effect on independent workplace union organisations, though claims that the legislation had reduced trade union power appear to have been taken at face value, even by union members. As long as effective lay representatives are forthcoming there is no reason why unions at workplace level should not continue protecting their members' interests well into the 21st century.

During the 1990s within Australia, a regulated industrial relations system which had fostered the growth of collective bargaining and trade unionism was dismantled and replaced by a neo-liberal approach to labour law. During this period trade union membership declined dramatically. Although overall union density has dropped, some unions have managed to arrest membership decline. The Association of Professional Engineers, Scientists and Managers, Australia and the National Tertiary Education Industry Union have successfully traversed the neo-liberal environment despite having adopted different processes. Through an analysis of both external and internal contingencies of these two successful but different union types, lessons were drawn as to effective forms of unionism. A comparative analysis of the empirical information suggest the benefits of a participative structure and collective ideology to enact a range of activities including industrial, political, solidarity and service. It is through this process that unions have the best possible means to generate alternative methods of social organisation to protect the rights and wellbeing of wage earners within a neo-liberal political economy.

<p>Abstract: The aim of this study is to investigate the attitudes towards the labour movement’s strategies, goals and organisational issues in Swedish Miners’ Union’s (Gruvindustriarbetareförbundet, hereafter Gruv) paper, Gruvarbetaren 1917-1925.</p><p>The theoretical starting point is Engels’ view on the class state. This perspective turns the question of socialism and the way to get there into an issue of working class power over the state. Another theoretical perspective is the partition of the labour movement into a trade-unionistic branch, seeing unions as financial organisations of interest, and a pro-state one, considering unions as political organisations.</p><p>During the period investigated Gruvarbetaren was quite radical and advocated a firm class struggle strategy towards employers. Since these were considered unreliable, class struggle was seen as the only way to better the conditions for the working class. The solution to the workers’ problems was by the paper considered to be socialism. In accordance with Engels’ view the working class would have to attain power over the state in order to reach that goal due to the class oppressive nature of the capitalist state. This power should preferably be conquered by way of revolution where the capitalist state was remodelled into a socialist one rather than through reforms. In this process the trade unions should take an active, political, part according to the paper and thus it can be placed in the pro-state branch of the labour movement. Especially during the years around 1920 it was clear that Gruvarbetaren wanted unions to develop into revolutionary organisations.</p>