Cultural and historical accounts of self-help literature typically describe its development and focus in terms of the autonomous, public male subject of the nineteenth century. This literary study recognizes that as masculine self-help discourse became widely accessible in the mid nineteenth century, mid-Victorian feminist novels, periodicals, and tracts developed versions of self-help that disrupted the dominant cultural view that the single female was helpless and “redundant” if she did not become a wife and mother. I argue that the dual focus of Victorian self-help discourse on the ability to help oneself and others was attractive for Victorian feminist writers who needed to manipulate the terms of the domestic ideal of woman as influential helpmeet, if women’s independence and civic duty were to be made culturally palatable. Chapter One focuses on how Dinah Mulock Craik drew on self-help values popularized in mid-century articles and collective biographies by Samuel Smiles, while rejecting the genre of biography for its invasiveness into female lives. By imagining a deformed single artist heroine in the context of her 1851 bildungsroman, Olive, Craik highlighted and contested the objectification of women within Victorian culture while reproducing other forms of female difference based on dominant constructions of class, sexuality, and race. Chapter Two extends formal and thematic considerations of self-help discourse to a comparison of masculine colonial accounts of class-climbing and the projection of a self-reliant, yet deeply unstable, domestic female by Maria Rye and the Female Middle-Class Emigration Society. Chapter Three exerts critical pressure on the tension between individual and mutual help by charting the debate that raged between liberal individualism and collectivism in the labour movement, particularly in The Women’s Union Journal. Returning to a focus on the binary of female aberrance and normalcy within Victorian culture, Chapter Four analyzes late-century case studies of nervous illnesses alongside Ella Hepworth Dixon’s 1894 New Woman novel that promoted self-help for women as desirable yet unattainable in a society still largely structured around the domestic ideal. At its broadest, this dissertation explores points of convergence and departure between Victorian masculine and feminine self-help texts, and touches on reverberations of this Victorian discourse in today’s self-help works directed at women in Western culture.

Cette thèse se propose d'analyser les enjeux révélés par la diffusion et la concrétisation, en Lorraine, des revendications syndicales de « la prise en charge des discontinuités d'emploi » qui sont construites et promues au niveau confédéral par les confédérations CFDT et CGT. En analysant la matérialisation des revendications confédérales à un niveau local, cette thèse s'intéressera plus largement aux stratégies tenues par les confédérations syndicales. Elle interrogera l'autonomie et la capacité d'action des syndicats dans le champ des relations professionnelles. Schématiquement, les revendications de la CFDT pour une « sécurisation des parcours professionnels » et de la CGT pour un « nouveau statut du travail salarié » visent à maintenir respectivement l'employabilité et la qualification des individus en dehors ou entre deux emplois. En mobilisant des terrains qui explorent les niveaux confédéral, interprofessionnel et de l'entreprise, on cherchera à comprendre si ces référentiels idéologiques confédéraux imprègnent les pratiques syndicales locales. Le cadre théorique et disciplinaire de cette thèse est principalement celui de la sociologie du syndicalisme et celui de l'emploi, mais empruntera tout naturellement à celui de la sociologie générale. / This thesis is an attempt to shed light on the stakes revealed by the national trade unions claims made by the CFDT and the CGT regarding "employment discontinuity" in the Lorraine region. This thesis will analyze how these national trade unions claims are translated at a local level and will highlight unions' strategies. The trade unions' autonomy and their capacity for action will be particularly enhanced in this thesis. Schematically, the "sécurisation des parcours professionnels" defended by the CFDT and the "nouveau statut du travail salarié" supported by the CGT aim to sustain the employability or the qualification of unemployed people. Different fieldworks at national and local levels will help to understand if these national trade unions claims manage to be real in the company or within social agreements. The theoretical and disciplinary framework of this thesis is mainly based on the Sociology of trade unionism and of employment, but it will naturally use some elements from general Sociology.

Orientador: Andreia Galvão / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-13T21:21:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Parton_BenjaminJohn_M.pdf: 2832470 bytes, checksum: 672c6e2b3a06d165698eae9ffbf189cc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: O trabalho no segmento de fast-food, juntamente com os demais segmentos do setor de serviços, cresceu exponencialmente nos últimos 20 anos na Nova Zelândia e no Brasil. Sua forma de emprego é conhecida pela alta rotatividade e intensidade de trabalho; pelos baixos salários; pela juventude da sua mão de obra; e pela ausência de organização sindical. Diferentemente da tendência global, os trabalhadores de fast-food na Nova Zelândia e em São Paulo são representados por sindicatos que foram fundados após o início do processo de abertura econômica nos anos 1980 e 1990. Na Nova Zelândia, o sindicato Unite conseguiu formar uma base entre trabalhadores de fast-food que se filiaram a ele e pagam suas contribuições sindicais voluntariamente. As ações coletivas do sindicato buscam apoio público usando a notoriedade das marcas de fast-food para chamar atenção para sua causa. Desta forma, o sindicato pressionou as grandes empresas de fast-food, e exigiu que o governo aumentasse os mínimos legais que definem as condições de trabalho no setor. Já o Sindicato dos Trabalhadores nas Empresas de Refeições Rápidas (Fast-Food) de São Paulo foi estabelecido em 1996 através do desmembramento da base do sindicato de hotéis e restaurantes na cidade. O novo sindicato negociou uma Convenção Coletiva de Trabalho que baixou os salários e as condições de trabalho no setor para valores próximos aos mínimos legais, reduzindo assim os custos de trabalho das grandes marcas de fast-food na cidade. Palavras-chave: restaurantes de refeições ligeiras; trabalho; sindicalismo; mobilização / Abstract: Labor in the fast-food industry, along with other segments of the service sector, has grown exponentially over the last 20 years in New Zealand and in Brazil. Employment in the industry is characterized by: high staff turnover; an intense working environment; low pay; a young workforce; and the absence of trade union organization. Different to the norms in this globalized sector, fast-food workers in New Zealand and São Paulo are represented by unions established after the commencement of economic liberalization programs of the 1980s and 1990s. In New Zealand, the Unite union was able to establish a membership base amongst fast-food workers who joined the union and voluntarily paid membership fees. The collective actions of the union sought public support using the profile of fast-food brands to attract attention to their cause. In this way, the union pressured large fast-food companies, and demanded that the government raise the legal minimums that define working conditions in the sector. The Fast-Food Workers' Union of São Paulo was established in 1996 through dismembering the membership base of the hotel and restaurant workers union in the city. The new union negotiated an employment award for fast-food workers that lowered pay and working conditions to close to the legal minimums, thus reducing the labor costs of large fast-food brands in São Paulo. Keywords: fast-food restaurants; labor; trade-unionism; mobilization / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciência Política

A narrativa sociológica que tentei construir sobre a Termomecanica (TM) partiu de uma retomada dos vários tons que compuseram a experiência de classe dos peões do ABC e a identidade operária combativa que daí resultou. Em seguida, me enveredei na desmontagem da teia simbólica do discurso paternalista que o patrão (Salvador Arena) articulou com vistas a bloquear o desenvolvimento de uma consciência de classe rebelde nos operários de sua fábrica, formatando-lhes, ao contrário, uma identidade resignada, leal ao patrão e à empresa. Após, procurei destacar como, apesar das estratégias de esterilização sindical empreendidas por Salvador Arena, o conflito fabril sempre foi latente. Neste ponto, a ideia foi dar voz àqueles que são cotidianamente obrigados a se calar, conferindo destaque à operários desconhecidos cujas vidas foram indelevelmente marcadas pela TM e por Salvador Arena. Por fim, tentei recuperar as tradições sociais que, num quadro socioeconômico e histórico específico, desembocaram no processo produtivo da Termomecanica e engendraram por meio da referida dominação simbólica paternalista o notável envolvimento do grupo operário, isto é, criaram o fator decisivo que permitiu à TM se colocar de forma singular diante dos concorrentes, dos demais empresários industriais e do Estado. / The sociological narrative about the Termomecanica factory (TM) that I tried to build were started with a reflection about the various aspects of the working class experience in the ABC and about the combative identity that was resulted of this experience. Afterwards, I aimed dismantling the web of symbolic ties which constitutes the patronizing speech of its founder (Salvador Arena), developed in order to hinder the establishment of a rebellious working class consciousness among his factorys workers, being able to create a subdued workers identity, loyal to their boss and company. Later, I tried to highlight the fact that the labor conflict has always been latent, in spite of Salvador Arenas strategies to make the trade unions impotent. At that point, my intention was to acknowledge the ones forcefully silenced, especially the anonymous workers who had TM and Salvador Arena printed in their lives. Finally, I tried to recover the social traditions that in a specific historical and socio-economic panorama culminate in Termomecanicas production process and engender through the patronizing symbolic domination mentioned above the remarkable workers\' engagement, creating a decisive factor to make the Salvador Arena\'s factory a case unique faced with the competitors, the others enterprises and the State.

Submitted by Simone Maisonave (simonemaisonave@hotmail.com) on 2016-12-01T11:10:23Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Jaqueline Buttow Signorini_Dissertacao.pdf: 2167466 bytes, checksum: 44ac1f22763740668a0805ab6aefcc10 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-01T11:10:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Jaqueline Buttow Signorini_Dissertacao.pdf: 2167466 bytes, checksum: 44ac1f22763740668a0805ab6aefcc10 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-11-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Autonomia e liberdade sindical, sua relação com o Estado, a contribuição sindical e a contribuição assistencial chamam a atenção de estudiosos do sindicalismo. Nas discussões ligadas às questões democráticas, é importante analisar os limites da intervenção estatal e as reações do sindicalismo. Esta dissertação procura analisar a liberdade e autonomia sindicais sob perspectivas político/jurídicas, objetivamente, como o Ministério Público do Trabalho (MPT) atua nesta relação na cidade de Pelotas. Há poucos trabalhos relacionados à analise das reações sindicais à ingerência do MPT. O objetivo é compreender as relações na busca por autonomia e liberdade sindical nos sindicatos de Pelotas e as formas de reação desses sindicatos ao papel desempenhado pelo MPT no que tange ao imposto sindical e à contribuição assistencial. A hipótese de que se parte é a de que a atuação do Ministério Público do Trabalho fere a liberdade e autonomia sindicais e que a frágil reação dos sindicatos se deve ao peso da herança coorporativa, que permanece relativamente estável, impedindo sindicatos de reivindicarem liberdade e autonomia efetivas, embora a Constituição Federal de 1988 garanta a livre criação de sindicatos sem autorização prévia e sem interferência no seu funcionamento. A metodologia utilizada é qualitativa, utilizando análise documental, como a legislação sobre imposto sindical, contribuição assistencial, liberdade e autonomia sindical, atas de reuniões, notificações, ofícios, processos judiciais e processos administrativos, documentos disponibilizados pelos atores envolvidos através de meio eletrônico e realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas com os atores envolvidos. A dissertação propõe-se a contribuir para um debate mais amplo sobre autonomia e liberdade sindical no Brasil. / Union freedom and autonomy, how it relates with the state and labor union contribution, call for the attention of labor unionism scholars. On the discussions connected to democratic issues it is important to analyze the limits to state intervention and the reactions to labor unionism. This dissertation seeks to analyze union freedom and autonomy under political/legal perspectives, in an objective manner, how the Prosecution Office for Labor, through the creation of the Union Freedom National Coordination, acts upon this relation in the city of Pelotas (RS, Brazil). Works related to the analysis of union reaction to interference from the Prosecution Office for Labor are scarce. This dissertation’s goal is to understand the relations on the quest for union freedom and autonomy in unions in Pelotas and the ways these unions react to the role played by the Prosecution Office for Labor regarding union taxes and assistance contribution. The hypothesis we start from is that the current action from the Prosecution Office for Labor harms the union freedom and autonomy, and that the unions’ fragile reaction is due to the weight of corporative heritage, which remains relatively stable, preventing unions from claiming true autonomy, although the Federal Constitution of 1988 predicts the free creation of unions without previous authorization or interference in its functioning. The methodology employed is qualitative, using documental analysis, such as the laws on union taxes, assistance contribution, union freedom and autonomy, minutes of meeting, legal and administrative actions, internal documents made available by the involved agents through electronic means and semi structured interviews with the involved agents.

This dissertation sets out to explore the roots of trade union members' job dissatisfaction, as a large body of prior quantitative research, spanning more than four decades, indicates that trade union members express higher levels of job dissatisfaction than non-union members. Industrial relations scholars have not been able to agree on an explanation as to why trade union members express comparatively more job dissatisfaction. The ambiguity in establishing a causal relationship between trade union membership and job dissatisfaction is due to the fact that previous works have largely been biased towards the use of quantitative methods. The present study, therefore, uses a unique qualitative approach consisting of grounded theoretical techniques and interviews with 43 trade union members to gather new insights on the topic. Interviews were conducted at two case study organisations, one a manufacturer and the other a public services organisation, in Scotland. Three alternative explanations that have sought to explain trade union members' job dissatisfaction were unpacked. These explanations link trade union members' job dissatisfaction to (i) unmet expectations from trade union membership, (ii) awareness of inequalities and (ii) industrial relations climates. The aim of this dissertation was to develop insights to enable a better understanding of why trade union members appear to express dissatisfaction with their jobs. The grounded theoretical approach has enabled at least three contributions to the industrial relations literatures and, to a lesser extent, to the human resources and job satisfaction literatures. These contributions are: (i) a deep, qualitative approach towards understanding the phenomenon; (ii) a critical evaluation of three alternative explanations of the phenomenon; and (iii) insights towards an initial model explaining the roots of trade union members' job dissatisfaction.

A travers une étude générale des infrastructures de production, l’ambition de cette recherche est double. Il s’agit d’une part de mettre en évidence la centralité du studio dans l’organisation de la production cinématographique française des années 1930, mais également de montrer quel a pu être l’impact des évolutions de fonctionnement des studios au cours de la décennie sur les conditions de travail et les modes de sociabilité des ouvriers et techniciens du film. Cette thèse ne se contente pas de rassembler des données factuelles et de dresser un inventaire des structures de production dans la France de l’entre-deux-guerres, elle étudie également les dynamiques d’une branche de l’industrie cinématographique en pleine évolution - les studios – tout en faisant de l’humain – ouvriers et techniciens du film - le pivot de la réflexion. L’analyse des dimensions techniques, économiques et humaines des studios français dans les années 1930, se déploie en trois parties correspondant à trois périodes marquées par des dynamiques différentes.La première partie (1929-1930), aborde la question du passage au parlant en privilégiant une approche descriptive des installations ; elle dresse un tableau de la situation en 1929 et analyse les nouvelles dynamiques économiques et techniques qui modifient en profondeur le paysage des studios français à l’aube de la décennie. La deuxième partie (1931-1933), s’attache à mettre en lumière le fonctionnement quotidien des studios, leur rôle dans la formation et la carrière des professionnels mais également leur impact sur la vie économique et sociale des territoires dans lesquels ils sont implantés. Enfin la troisième partie, (1934-1939), soulève la question du modèle de développement des studios français. Premières victimes de la crise de la production des années 1934-1935, les ouvriers et techniciens du film sont les premiers à réagir, répondant à la dégradation de leurs conditions de travail et de rémunération par un mouvement de revendications et de luttes sociales qui agitent les studios durant toute la seconde moitié de la décennie. / Throughout this general study of the production facilities, the goal of the research is two fold. It aims first at establishing the centrality of the studios in organizing the French movie production in the 1930’s. It equally looks at showing what have been the impacts of the changes which had affected the functioning of the studios during this decade on the working conditions and sociability modes of the working class and technicians of the film industry. Not only this PhD gathers evidences and draws an inventory of the production facilities in the France between the two world wars, but it also studies the dynamics of a fast evolving branch of the film industry, the studios, while making of the human - workers and technicians of the film industry - the centre of the reflection. The analysis of the technical, economic and human dimensions of French movie studios in 1930’s, unfolds in three parts corresponding to three periods marked by different dynamics. The first part (1929-1930), discusses the transition to talking cinema favoring a descriptive approach of the facilities; it paints a picture of the situation in 1929 and analyzes the new economic and technical dynamics that profoundly altered the landscape of French studios at the beginning of the decade. The second part (1931-1933) , aims to highlight the daily operation of the studios, their role in the training and career of professionals but also their impact on economic and social life of the territories in which they are located. Finally, the third part, (1934-1939), raised the question of the development model of French studios. First victims of the crisis of 1934-1935 production year, workers and technicians of the film are the first to react, responding to the deterioration of their working conditions and compensation by a movement of demands and social struggles that stir the studios throughout the second half of the decade.

Ce travail entend examiner les conditions de production d’un syndicalisme « politique », à partir de l’analyse localisée d’un syndicat CGT d’établissement dans un hôpital psychiatrique de 1968 à aujourd’hui. La catégorie de « politique », au cœur de ce travail, recouvre différentes dimensions qui sont analysées : des activités syndicales qui ne s’éprouvent pas seulement sur le lieu de travail, une présence importante de militants multipositionnés dans des organisations politiques, un attachement à attribuer une signification aux positions occupées dans les rapports sociaux. L’attention portée à l’ancrage syndical dans le lieu de travail permet de saisir comment ce dernier façonne le syndicat et ses membres. La thèse montre dans quelle mesure les modalités de l’engagement des militants procèdent conjointement des socialisations professionnelles et des socialisations syndicales. Néanmoins, l’inscription du syndicat dans l’univers hospitalier a pour effet de reproduire une inégale distribution des positions sociales et professionnelles dans l’organisation, accentuant des rapports différenciés à l’engagement et aux conceptions syndicales qui sont portées par les militants. L’approche socio-historique permet d’appréhender dans le temps la production de l’institution syndicale et ses spécificités en étant attentif aux continuités et aux évolutions. / This work aims at examining the conditions of production of a “political” trade unionism through a study of the specific case of a CGT trade union in a psychiatric hospital from 1968 to nowadays. The sense of “political”, crucial to this work, is explored and analyzed in its numerous dimensions, such as the trade union activities experimented in other places than work, the large amount of multipositioned activists taking part in political organizations or the tendency to give a meaning to the different positions in social relationships. By focusing on how a trade union and a workplace are closely intertwined, we aim at showing how a workplace can shape both a trade union and its members. Similarly, the activists’ commitment has to be understood in association with the socialization process within their work and their union trade. However, in this case, the unbalanced distribution of social and professional positions in the hospital is reproduced in the organization, which in turn widens the gap between the activists’ different ways of being committed in the trade union or even of considering it. Through its socio-historical approach, this work seeks to understand how a trade union is produced and what its characteristics are while keeping its developments in sight.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Magalhaes Rodrigues.pdf: 1135925 bytes, checksum: 453b21c09c753046d5b47bf1bb5d1878 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-23 / The present dissertation is focused on the experience of the international trade union organization of workers since MBB in SBC. I highlight "since" because the very nature of the process led to the global connection with employees located at industrial units in foreigner countries of the same transnational company. Among several political players as well as in the academic world, there is the controversial issue about the importance of the union movement not only in Brazil, but also internationally. In other words, the main issue is about the effectiveness of international trade unionism in the presence of the capital hegemonic globalization. On one hand concerns if it is possible that this practice means an alternative to the hegemonic model, even being, nowadays, in an incipient stage. On the other hand if the international trade union perspective can contribute to the maintenance or new achievements of the workers. Such issues are strongly important, mainly in a world of intense and growing globalization of all sectors of society. There was an indication of positive responses to both questions above, suggesting that, despite the current worldwide crisis, involving the international trade union movement as well, is an feasible strategy and even essential to the worker. The methodology, besides the theoretical references, dealt with field research collecting primary data and interviews with the main protagonists of the international trajectory, which completes 30 years in 2014 / A presente dissertação analisa a experiência de organização sindical internacional a partir dos trabalhadores na Mercedes-Benz do Brasil na cidade de São Bernardo do Campo. Digo a partir , pois a própria natureza do processo levou à conexão global com os trabalhadores localizados em unidades de outros países da mesma transnacional. Há, entre os atores políticos mais diversos, bem como no mundo acadêmico, a controversa questão sobre a importância do movimento sindical não só no Brasil, mas também em nível internacional. Isto é, contesta-se a respeito da efetividade do sindicalismo internacional diante a globalização hegemônica do capital. Uma questão diz respeito se as práticas adotadas, mesmo que ainda incipientes, significam uma futura alternativa ao modelo hegemônico. Outra trata se a perspectiva internacional sindical em curso pode contribuir para a manutenção ou novas conquistas para os trabalhadores. Tais questões são vitais, especialmente em um mundo de intensa e ainda crescente globalização em todos os setores sociais. Evidenciou-se a indicação de respostas positivas às dúvidas acima, sugerindo que, não obstante a crise atual, também, do movimento sindical internacional, trata-se de uma estratégia exequível e mesmo indispensável ao trabalhador. A metodologia seguida, além das referências teóricas, lançou mão, basicamente, da pesquisa de campo por meio do estudo de fontes primárias e entrevistas junto aos principais protagonistas da trajetória internacional que em 2014 completa 30 anos

Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-11-12T22:58:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ANNALIZA BERTOLAZZI - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 1989..pdf: 65175904 bytes, checksum: c4f7ea7520179d698acda1ee6583f9d7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-12T22:58:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ANNALIZA BERTOLAZZI - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 1989..pdf: 65175904 bytes, checksum: c4f7ea7520179d698acda1ee6583f9d7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1989-03 / La question syndicale, depuis 1978, occupe les prémières pages des journeaux brésiliens pour la nouveauté que présente la pratique actuelle des syndicalistes par rapport a celle du passé. Les travailleurs des villes et des campagnes s'organisent pour le changement des directions syndicales, des pratiques et des objectifs de lutte du sybdicalisme traditionel; des Centrales Syndicales sont créés représentant de différentes perspectives et conceptions; um "nouveau syndicalisme" se construit, defini en opposition à la structure syndicale encore en place. "Participation" et "combativité" synthétisent les revendications qui développent le "nouveau": "ad intra", en opposant démocratisation et structure horizontale à la structure "verticale en place; "ad extra", en opposant une attitude de combat permanent face aux intérêts antagoniques au syndicalisme de- conciliation des classes consacré par la structure traditionelle. Découpant, pour son analyse, une région de la campagne dans l'Etat de Paraíba, l'auteur cherche à identifier y. les conditions sociales qui rendent possible le changement du syndicalisme . rural ansi que les facteurs de continuité des formes traditionelles. L'analyse considère les différents acteurs qui jouent dans le "champ de forces" du syndicalisme de Paraíba. Mettant le focus sur la naissance du "nouveau syndicalisme". considère de façon plus spécifique les "oppositions syndicales" qui - dans la période 1980/88 - ont lutté pour le réaliser, ainsi que leurs propositions, leur "leadership" et les forces qui les soutienent. Finalement l'auteur se détient sur l'analyse d'un cas pris comme exemple réprésentatif de la problematique abordée. A la conclusion de l'étude, que met en énvidence le fait que les changements se font sans des ruptures brusques avec ce qui existait déjà par la force de la continuité institucionelle, sont indiqués les principaux dilèmes et défi posés, à présent, au "nouveau syndicalisme". / A questão sindical, desde 78 ocupa as manchetes nacionais pelas novidades que apresenta em relação ao passado. Os trabalhadores da cidade e do campo se organizam para a mudança dasdireções sindicais, das práticas e das bandeiras de luta do sindicalismo tradicional; constituem-se as Centrais Sindicais enucleando diferentes perspectivas e concepções sindicais; constrói-se um "novo sindicalismo" que se define por oposição à estrutura sindical ainda vigente. "Participação" e "Combatividade" sintetizam as revindicações que desenvolvem "o novo": "ad intra", contrapondo democratização e estrutura horizontal à atual estrutura vertical; "ad extra" opondo uma atitude de combate, frente aos interesses antagônicos, ao sindicalismo de conciliação de classes consagrado pela estrutura sindical vigente. No recorte de uma determinada região do campo paraibano, a autora busca identificar as condições sociais que viabilizam a mudança do sindicalismo no campo e os fatores de continuidade das formas tradicionais. A análise considera os diversos atores em jogo no "campo de forças" do sindicalismo paraibano em sua atuação recente. Tendo como enfoque o surgimento do "novo sindicalismo" estuda especificamente as "oposições sindicais" que no período I980-88 - lutaram para realizá-lo, bem como suas propostas, suas lideranças e apoios. Finaliza analisando concretamente um caso considerado mais representativo da problemática abordada. A conclusão do estudo, que evidencia como as mudanças vem se desenvolvendo sem bruscas rupturas com o existente pela força da continuidade institucional, são colocados os principais dilemas e desafios com os quais se defronta hoje o "novo sindicalismo".