<p>Abstract: The aim of this study is to investigate the attitudes towards the labour movement’s strategies, goals and organisational issues in Swedish Miners’ Union’s (Gruvindustriarbetareförbundet, hereafter Gruv) paper, Gruvarbetaren 1917-1925.</p><p>The theoretical starting point is Engels’ view on the class state. This perspective turns the question of socialism and the way to get there into an issue of working class power over the state. Another theoretical perspective is the partition of the labour movement into a trade-unionistic branch, seeing unions as financial organisations of interest, and a pro-state one, considering unions as political organisations.</p><p>During the period investigated Gruvarbetaren was quite radical and advocated a firm class struggle strategy towards employers. Since these were considered unreliable, class struggle was seen as the only way to better the conditions for the working class. The solution to the workers’ problems was by the paper considered to be socialism. In accordance with Engels’ view the working class would have to attain power over the state in order to reach that goal due to the class oppressive nature of the capitalist state. This power should preferably be conquered by way of revolution where the capitalist state was remodelled into a socialist one rather than through reforms. In this process the trade unions should take an active, political, part according to the paper and thus it can be placed in the pro-state branch of the labour movement. Especially during the years around 1920 it was clear that Gruvarbetaren wanted unions to develop into revolutionary organisations.</p>

Abstract: The aim of this study is to investigate the attitudes towards the labour movement’s strategies, goals and organisational issues in Swedish Miners’ Union’s (Gruvindustriarbetareförbundet, hereafter Gruv) paper, Gruvarbetaren 1917-1925. The theoretical starting point is Engels’ view on the class state. This perspective turns the question of socialism and the way to get there into an issue of working class power over the state. Another theoretical perspective is the partition of the labour movement into a trade-unionistic branch, seeing unions as financial organisations of interest, and a pro-state one, considering unions as political organisations. During the period investigated Gruvarbetaren was quite radical and advocated a firm class struggle strategy towards employers. Since these were considered unreliable, class struggle was seen as the only way to better the conditions for the working class. The solution to the workers’ problems was by the paper considered to be socialism. In accordance with Engels’ view the working class would have to attain power over the state in order to reach that goal due to the class oppressive nature of the capitalist state. This power should preferably be conquered by way of revolution where the capitalist state was remodelled into a socialist one rather than through reforms. In this process the trade unions should take an active, political, part according to the paper and thus it can be placed in the pro-state branch of the labour movement. Especially during the years around 1920 it was clear that Gruvarbetaren wanted unions to develop into revolutionary organisations.

This thesis studies the ways in which Swedish advertising agents tried to reshape advertising into a practise seen as working for the public benefit, and not just for economical profit of themselves and their clients. Earlier research on Swedish advertising has not paid enough attention to the advertising sectors ambitions to spread their views of advertising as a societal good during the 1930s. By investigating, among other things, the 4th Nordic Advertising Congress in 1937, which was held on the theme “Advertising serves society”, and the magazines Futurum and Reklam nyheterna, published by and for advertising agents in Sweden, this thesis shows that the Swedish advertising sector actively tried to represent advertising as an important factor in the improvement and modernization of Sweden. The arguments used to legitimize advertising as a question with relevance for the whole of society was intimately connected to ideals that are usually associated with the emergence of the Swedish welfare state, such as public health, social improvement, modernity and rationality. Earlier research tend to focus on the agency of the state in this period, but this study shows that also the private advertising sector of Sweden were embracing these ideals and playing a part in the processes creating these policies by advocating a society with more “propaganda” for things such as public health, better homes, and traffic safety.

Nesta dissertação, analisamos as dinâmicas internas do Movimento de Cultura Popular (MCP) nos anos 1960 e a aproximação de determinada elite intelectualizada com as camadas populares. Entendemos que os jovens intelectuais que militaram no MCP, uma vez confrontados com os desafios do meio sócio-político-cultural popular da cidade do Recife e do interior de Pernambuco, desenvolveram propostas programáticas e ações político-culturais que contribuíram para a percepção de que as classes populares deveriam ser sujeitos da sua história e protagonistas da construção de sua identidade. Na nossa hipótese, essa percepção pode ser contraposta às ações e aos valores dos intelectuais que se caracterizaram por certo dirigismo e elitismo. Em outras palavras, sustentamos que a experiência histórica do MCP rompeu os limites e valores que motivaram os intelectuais que formaram o Movimento. A partir dessa hipótese, buscamos, por meio da análise das especificidades das correntes, debates e contradições do Movimento, demonstrar que o MCP surgiu de um interesse político-partidário, mas acabou indo além dele. O lugar dos intelectuais no movimento foi tensionado entre o dirigismo e o contato efetivo com as massas populares, na construção de um idioma cultural e ideológico comum, marcado por um reformismo e pelo nacionalismo progressista. As relações entre intelectuais e povo, no contexto recifense, seguiram padrões nacionais (intelectual como mediador entre povo, Estado e Nação), porém, também sofreram influxos do contexto local. Por último, defendemos que o MCP, como movimento cultural e político, não teve tempo de maturar suas próprias contradições, dado seu fim abrupto em 1964 / In this masters thesis, we analyze the 1960s internal dynamics of the Movimento de Cultura Popular (MCP) and the approximation of a certain intellectualized elite with the working class. We understand that the young intellectuals who have participated in activism in MPC, when confronted with the challenges of the socio-political and cultural working class environment from the city of Recife and from the country side of Pernambuco, have developed programmatic proposals as well as political and cultural actions that have contributed to the perception that the working class should be the subjects of their own history and protagonist of their own identity construction. Its our hypothesis that this perception contrasts with the intellectuals actions and values which are characterized by a certain dirigisme and elitism. In other words, we claim that the MCP historical experience has surpassed the limits and values that have motivated the intellectuals from the Movement. Based on this hypothesis and trough the analysis of the specificities of the different lines of thoughts, debates and contradictions of the Movement, we have tried to demonstrate that MCP was originated by partisan interests, but was not restricted to it. The intellectuals place in the Movement was a battle between dirigisme and the actual contact with the working class in the construction of a common cultural and ideological language marked by a reformism and by the progressive nationalism. The relationship between intellectuals and the people, in the context of Recife, has followed the national pattern (intellectual as mediators of the People, State and Nation), but it was also influenced by the local context. Lastly, we conclude by saying that MCP as a cultural and political movement didnt have time to bring to maturity their own contradictions as it was abruptly interrupted in 1964

Nesta dissertação, analisamos as dinâmicas internas do Movimento de Cultura Popular (MCP) nos anos 1960 e a aproximação de determinada elite intelectualizada com as camadas populares. Entendemos que os jovens intelectuais que militaram no MCP, uma vez confrontados com os desafios do meio sócio-político-cultural popular da cidade do Recife e do interior de Pernambuco, desenvolveram propostas programáticas e ações político-culturais que contribuíram para a percepção de que as classes populares deveriam ser sujeitos da sua história e protagonistas da construção de sua identidade. Na nossa hipótese, essa percepção pode ser contraposta às ações e aos valores dos intelectuais que se caracterizaram por certo dirigismo e elitismo. Em outras palavras, sustentamos que a experiência histórica do MCP rompeu os limites e valores que motivaram os intelectuais que formaram o Movimento. A partir dessa hipótese, buscamos, por meio da análise das especificidades das correntes, debates e contradições do Movimento, demonstrar que o MCP surgiu de um interesse político-partidário, mas acabou indo além dele. O lugar dos intelectuais no movimento foi tensionado entre o dirigismo e o contato efetivo com as massas populares, na construção de um idioma cultural e ideológico comum, marcado por um reformismo e pelo nacionalismo progressista. As relações entre intelectuais e povo, no contexto recifense, seguiram padrões nacionais (intelectual como mediador entre povo, Estado e Nação), porém, também sofreram influxos do contexto local. Por último, defendemos que o MCP, como movimento cultural e político, não teve tempo de maturar suas próprias contradições, dado seu fim abrupto em 1964 / In this masters thesis, we analyze the 1960s internal dynamics of the Movimento de Cultura Popular (MCP) and the approximation of a certain intellectualized elite with the working class. We understand that the young intellectuals who have participated in activism in MPC, when confronted with the challenges of the socio-political and cultural working class environment from the city of Recife and from the country side of Pernambuco, have developed programmatic proposals as well as political and cultural actions that have contributed to the perception that the working class should be the subjects of their own history and protagonist of their own identity construction. Its our hypothesis that this perception contrasts with the intellectuals actions and values which are characterized by a certain dirigisme and elitism. In other words, we claim that the MCP historical experience has surpassed the limits and values that have motivated the intellectuals from the Movement. Based on this hypothesis and trough the analysis of the specificities of the different lines of thoughts, debates and contradictions of the Movement, we have tried to demonstrate that MCP was originated by partisan interests, but was not restricted to it. The intellectuals place in the Movement was a battle between dirigisme and the actual contact with the working class in the construction of a common cultural and ideological language marked by a reformism and by the progressive nationalism. The relationship between intellectuals and the people, in the context of Recife, has followed the national pattern (intellectual as mediators of the People, State and Nation), but it was also influenced by the local context. Lastly, we conclude by saying that MCP as a cultural and political movement didnt have time to bring to maturity their own contradictions as it was abruptly interrupted in 1964

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<p>Syftet med den här uppsatsen var att undersöka hur feministiska strävanden påverkat och eventuellt förändrat den religiösa judendomen. Studien har utgått från de fyra judiska inriktningarna: ortodoxi, reformism, konservatism och rekonstruktivism, samt en analys av begreppen ”historik” och ”texter, tolkning och symboler”. I analysen av ovanstående kohorter i mitt arbete har jag utgått från en konstruktivistisk teoriram.</p><p>Jag har uteslutande använt mig av ett feministiskt angreppssätt i detta arbete. Jag har undersökt hur den historiska kontexten, texter, symboler och tolkning bidragit till att cementera kvinnans underordning i förhållande till mannen. Arbetet belyser de olika framstegen som gjorts till förmån för kvinnan inom det religiösa livet. Litteraturen diskuterar även runt orsaker till och verkningar av denna problematik.</p><p>Analysen har visat på betydande skillnader mellan de olika grenarna ifråga om feministiska framsteg. Den har också påvisat att feminismen som tendens, sakta men säker tilltar. Samtidigt visar arbetet på att feminismen som rörelse fortfarande möter hårt motstånd inifrån rörelsen. Den visar också att samhälle, religion och kultur samverkar i de framsteg respektive motstånd som möter feminismen som rörelse.</p>

Syftet med den här uppsatsen var att undersöka hur feministiska strävanden påverkat och eventuellt förändrat den religiösa judendomen. Studien har utgått från de fyra judiska inriktningarna: ortodoxi, reformism, konservatism och rekonstruktivism, samt en analys av begreppen ”historik” och ”texter, tolkning och symboler”. I analysen av ovanstående kohorter i mitt arbete har jag utgått från en konstruktivistisk teoriram. Jag har uteslutande använt mig av ett feministiskt angreppssätt i detta arbete. Jag har undersökt hur den historiska kontexten, texter, symboler och tolkning bidragit till att cementera kvinnans underordning i förhållande till mannen. Arbetet belyser de olika framstegen som gjorts till förmån för kvinnan inom det religiösa livet. Litteraturen diskuterar även runt orsaker till och verkningar av denna problematik. Analysen har visat på betydande skillnader mellan de olika grenarna ifråga om feministiska framsteg. Den har också påvisat att feminismen som tendens, sakta men säker tilltar. Samtidigt visar arbetet på att feminismen som rörelse fortfarande möter hårt motstånd inifrån rörelsen. Den visar också att samhälle, religion och kultur samverkar i de framsteg respektive motstånd som möter feminismen som rörelse.

La thèse examine les idées du socialisme réformiste en France et leur formation de 1871 à la Première Guerre mondiale. Il s'agit d'abord établir le socle idéologique des socialistes français après la Commune. L'idée majeure est celle d'une opposition à la société bourgeoise économique avec le collectivisme, sociale avec la lutte des classes, et politique avec la conquête des pouvoirs publics. Les débats sur ces trois idées entraîne la fondation d'un parti ouvrier en 1879, puis des scissions. En 1882, le parti possibiliste reprend le débat, et fait de la réforme le principe à partir duquel la société doit être bouleversée, légitimant la participation électorale et l'action municipale. La Revue socialiste approfondit la réflexion sur le socialisme et les réformes, synthétisée par Benoît Malon dans le "socialisme intégral" La crise boulangiste en 1887-1889 modifie cette configuration, en amenant une partie des socialistes à soutenir la République.Entre 1893 et la fin du siècle, le réformisme, dans un contexte renouvelé, est porté par Alexandre Millerand qui fédère les socialistes et fonde l'unité sur les principes réformistes. Cette tentative n'aboutit pas, mais elle permet à Millerand de formuler les principes fondant son action au Ministère du Commerce entre 1899 et 1902. Cette participation ministérielle ouvre un débat violent dans le socialisme français. Finalement, c'est l'Internationale qui amène l'unité en 1905, aboutissement qui condamne politiquement le réformisme. Celui-ci survit, malgré tout, sous la forme d'une tradition portée dans la Revue socialiste. Elle est finalement reprise en 1910, par Albert Thomas. Le réformisme devient alors une tendance au sein de la SFIO. / This disseration aims at analysing the ideas of reformist socialism in France. At first, it was necessary to define the intellectual grounds on which French socialists could organise their action, after the Commune. Their main idea was the radical opposition towards the bourgeois society, and three main elements were conceptualised: an economic element, first, with collectivism, a social element, then, with class struggle, and a political element, with the fight for power. Debating these three items was a long process, and it finally explained the foundation of the first socialist party in France, in 1879, and its divisions. In 1882, the parti ouvrier developped the previous ideas, and the reform was defined as a principle by which socialism could overthrow the bourgeois society from within. At the same time, the Revue Socialiste deepened its reflection on reforms, and Benoît Malon gave a synthesis of his conception in "Socialisme intégral". The boulangist crisis in 1887-1889 modified this configuration, by forcing these socialits to support the Republic. Between 1893 and the end of the century, reformism was led by Alexandre Millerand, who gathered socialists under one progrem defined in 1896. This attempt was a failure, but it contributed to define the main features of Millerand's action as a Minister of Trade between 1899 and 1902. This participation to the government opened a violent debate among French socialism, At last, the International ordered the unification of French socialists in 1905, and it seemed to be the political condemnation of reformism. But this trend did subsist in the Revue socialiste, as an intellectual tradition, used after 1910 by Albert Thomas.

Notre recherche aborde la question de l'État dans la pensée islamique moderne chez les réformateurs du 19ème siècle et les islamistes du 20ème siècle selon une approche pluridisciplinaire. Le réformisme musulman a mené le combat entre le despotisme, contre l'ignorance des populations et contre les ingérences européennes. Il était plus ouvert au constitutionnalisme qui ne diffère pas de la shûra et des finalités de la charî'a.C'est dans ce sillage que se forme la pensée des théoriciens islamistes, du moins au début avant de s'en détacher car par la suite les islamistes entreront en conflit avec le nationalisme arabe ainsi qu'avec la pensée libérale, voire avec l'État-nation. Par conséquent deux logiques s'affrontent sur la nature de l'État, les limites des pouvoirs, la légitimité, et concernant essentiellement la relation entre État national et la religion, point de la discorde. Cette relations est restée ambiguë depuis un siècle. Il en est né un État national ni religieux ni laïque mais qui a modernisé le droit des emprunts à la juridiction occidentale, sans appliquer toutefois une vraie démocratie qui respecterait les droits de l'homme et de la citoyenneté. Il y a une laïcité et une sécularisation de fait au niveau individuel comme au niveau sociétal en pays arabo-musulmans sans que cela touche le dogme, malgré les tentatives de modernisation. Mais à partir des années quatre-vingt-dix un courant émerge appelé les néo-réformateurs, qui acceptent le jeu démocratique et la souveraineté populaire. Cela constituera un grand tournant dans la pensée politique islamique. / Our research deals with the subject of the State in 19th and 20th century Islamic modern reformist thought in accordance with a multidisciplinary approach. Islamic reformism has fought against despotism, ignorance of the populace and European interference. It was open to constitutionalism which is not different from the Shura system and goals of the Shariia. The thinking of Muslim theorists took shape within this framework, at least for a while before Islamists decided to break with it. Later, Islamists relations with both Arabic nationalism and liberal thinking, indeed with the Nation-State as a whole, became conflictual.Thus, two points of view concerning the nature of the State, the limits of power, legitimacy, and essentially the very controversial relationship between the Nation State and religion confronted each other. This relationship remained ambiguous for a century. The product has been a Nation State that is neither religious nor secular, but which has modernized the law by borrowing from the Western judicial system, without, however, applying real democracy able to respect human rights and citizenship. A de facto, secularism does exist on an individual and social level in Arab-Muslim countries without influencing the dogma, despite attempts at modernization. But from the 1990s on, a neo-reformist current of thought has emerged, which accepts democracy and sovereignty of the people. This will constitute a big turning point in Arab-Muslim political thought.