This dissertation opens a multimedia archive of contemporary Iranian films, documentaries, newspaper articles, and political philosophies in order to rethink the complicated relationship between cinema and the Reformist Movement in Iran. The existing scholarship has largely reduced interactions between these institutions to modes of mutual support, noting Mohammad Khatami’s backing of the film industry during his tenure as Minister of Islamic Culture and Guidance (1982-1992) and his liberal cultural policies as president (1997-2005). However, the research presented in this dissertation indicates that Iranian cinema and the Reformist Movement crucially informed one another, and the dynamics of their exchange functioned on an ideological level. More than just benefiting from the Reformist Movement, certain films and filmmakers helped to shape and articulate its emerging political discourse. At the same time, the dialogue between Khatami’s Reformist Movement and Iranian cinema have generated a unique set of aesthetic qualities that includes a revival of mystic love, the use of Tehran as a metaphoric site of social and structural reformation, and reconfigurations of perceptions of time. I examine films that were released during Khatami’s tenure as Minister of Islamic Culture and Guidance, his presidential campaign and presidency in order to interrogate the relationship between film and reform and to theorize the visual language that has emerged to enunciate this relationship. I also consider a film and a music video released two years after Khatami’s presidency ended. They did not benefit directly from his cultural liberalism but nevertheless participate in central reformist debates. Their experimentation with form suggests that the reformist aesthetic possesses a momentum that permits it to develop and transform without explicit contact with the political movement that inspired it. I argue, therefore, that the Reformist Movement marked a change on the political landscape at the same time that it signaled a new trend in the country’s cinematic history. I connect innovations in film to current trends in new media and youth culture and propose a new reformist model for the study of cultural productivity in contemporary Iran, one that moves past the reductive category of “post-Revolution.” / text

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This essay is about the change of the Swedish party Socialdemokraterna (S). It is a very current subject, since many political newspapers write about that the party moves into the political middle. Apparently the party is not what it used to be and that is what this essay will explore and analyze. My purpose is to explore what ideal type answers best to the Social democrats change. The chosen ideal types are neo-liberalism, reformist socialism and the third way. And the materials I use are political programs from 1990, 2001 and 2013. To achieve my purpose I’ve chosen two different methods: 1. Content analysis 2. Idea analysis. Each of them has been very useful and to combine them has proved efficient. The results of the content analysis show that the party in 2001 and 2013 is using a different vocabulary than in 1990. The results of the idea analysis are that the political program from 2013 show that some of the ideas are divergent. For example, a traditional social democratic value is that the working hours should be shorter. But in 2013, the party doesn’t suggest shorter working days and weeks.

This thesis examines the Social Democrat party’s and Moderat Party’s ideology. The purpose of this essay has been to investigate the ideological approach of Social Democrats and Moderats. In order to fulfill the purpose of the study, ideological similarities between the parties have been distinguished. In order to complete the study, the Social Democrats party programs from 2001 and 2013 and the Moderat party programs from 2001 and 2011 have been used.  In order to answer the purpose of the study has theoretical approach been used. In addition, the study uses the ideologies of the parties as well as an explanatory theory that is catch all-parties which is used to understand the party’s behavior. The ideologies that been used by the study are the ideology of Social Democrats, which represents socialism and reformist socialism and the Moderats which constitute Conservatism, Liberalism and Neoliberalism.  In order to complete the essay, qualitative methodology with an idea and ideology analysis has been applied. However, in order to distinguish ideological similarities between the parties, the study has used dimensions which means that ideologies have been operationalized. They constitute human perception, the view of the state and the view of economics. In order to study the ideologies of the parties, the study has focused on these three areas to map ideological similarities.  The result of the study shows that the views of social democrats and moderators are different from each other in the first dimension, which is human perception and it does not change during the period of time the study has focused on. In the second dimension, the political parties’ have different view in their party programs from 2001. However, there are similarities between the parties because the Moderates change positions in their party program 2011 while the Social Democrats hold on to the same attitude in 2013 as they had in 2001. In the final dimension, there will be different results, because the Social Democrats and the Moderates have the same views in the view of economics in 2001 and 2013. Why the parties change their mind in one of the dimensions, have been able to understand by the Catch all-party theory, which means that the parties act strategically to reach as many select groups as possible to win elections. By tapping down its ideology, the parties reach a wider electoral group, both ideological and non-ideological voters.

Islamic feminism in Iran is defined as the radical rethinking of religious and sacred texts from a feminist perspective. The purpose of this research is to show how an Islamic feminist discourse developed in Iran, and to outline the differences between the reformist and traditionalist epistemological foundations of women’s rights discourse in Iran.This study, using documentary research methods, demonstrates that central to the development of Islamic feminism is the development of the reformist movement in Iran. Moreover, it is shown that the main impedance to women’s equality in Iran is the traditionalist epistemology in religious law. While reformists believe that employing justice in Islamic law requires absolute equality regarding both men and women’s rights, traditionalists present a different interpretation of the notion of justice. According to the traditionalist discourse, since men and women have natural and inborn differences, two separate kinds of law are needed to regulate their lives.

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Cette étude aborde l’un des plus importants enjeux auxquels font face les mouvements islamiques, entre autres, l’engagement et la participation politique. Elle enquête sur la nature et les références de ses mouvements, en particulier le Mouvement de l’Unicité et de la Réforme (MUR) et aussi analyse, en adoptant une approche neutre et objective, combinant le cadre théorique avec celui de la pratique, leurs résultats en tant que mouvements sociopolitiques dans des communautés musulmanes, visant à apporter un changement social et politique. L’expérience de la participation politique des islamistes marocains à travers le Mouvement de l’Unicité et de la Réforme (actif politiquement, sous la couverture du Parti de la Justice et du Développement PJD) représente un modèle typique qui mérite toute attention de recherche et d’étude. En effet, le Maroc est parmi les premiers pays à autoriser aux mouvements islamiques modérés d’entrer officiellement dans le champ politique, et de s’y activer légalement. Aussi, ces derniers ont su se démarquer dans la scène politique et dépasser les thèses de coupures fondées sur une opposition radicale aux régimes gouvernants. Compte tenu de l’importance de la présence et du poids dont jouissent actuellement les mouvements islamiques, il est maintenant évident pour un grand nombre d’observateurs spécialistes que l’on ne peut plus parler de l’avenir politique et social dans les pays du monde islamique sans parler ou prendre en compte le rôle considérable de ces mouvements dans le tissu social du monde musulman. La plupart des études entreprises dans le domaine se préoccupaient du côté fondamental et théorique des mouvements islamiques, cependant cette présente étude s’émerge du lot par sa focalisation sur les organisations islamiques et leurs participations politiques en prenant le MUR comme cas d'étude. Elle aborde le problème définitionnel et cognitif lié à la notion des mouvements islamiques, puis explique la propagation rapide de ces mouvements dans le monde islamique, et identifie les idéologies motrices de leur action pour comprendre leurs concepts et leurs comportements envers l’autorité et la société. / This study addresses one of the most important issues facing Islamic movements, among others, engagement and political participation. It investigates the nature and references of these movements, particularly the Movement of Unification and Reform (MUR) and also analysis, adopting a neutral and objective approach, combining the theoretical framework with that of practice, their results as socio-political movements aiming to provide social and political change in Muslim communities. The experience of political participation of Moroccan Islamists across the Movement of Unification and Reform (active politically under the cover of the Justice and Development Party [PJD]) represents a typical model that deserves careful research and study. Indeed, Morocco is among the first countries to allow moderate Islamist movement, to officialy enter the political field and to activate in legally. Also, Islamists in Morocco have stood out in the political scene and overcame cuts theses based on a radical opposition to the governing regimes. Given the importance of the presence and weight currently enjoyed by Islamic movements, it is now clear to many observers and experts that we cannot talk about the political and social future in the countries of the Islamic world without mentioning or taking into account the important role of these movements. Most studies undertaken in the area were concerned with fundamental and theoretical aspects of Islamic movements; however, this study emerges from the batch by its focus on Islamic organizations and their political participation by taking MUR as a case study. It addresses the definitional and cognitive problem related to the notion of Islamic movements. Then explains the rapid spread of these movements in the Islamic world, and identifies the driving ideologies of their action to understand their concepts and attitudes toward authority and society.

The work offers a comprehensive preview of opinion streams on the theme of eschatology, final things or also the end of time , in various stages of the development of human society, whether Jewish or Christian, with an emphasis on the medieval period in the Lands of the Bohemian Crown. Iťs based on the biblical texts of the Old and New Testaments, particularly on the New T estament text of the Book of Revelations. It deals with religious situation in the Middle Ages and simultaneously also with political, cultural and social factors. It reveals certain sources of heretical teachings, especially the Vaudois Church, from which eminent theologists' opinions crystallized and mentions the status of heretics in medieval society. It also covers the teachings of John Wycliffe. The work is divided into six parts, in which eschatological moods and vision that reigned i n contemporary societies are substantiated. It analyses them, and literary woeks document the main ideas and opinions of eminent reformátory scholars, such as for example Milíč of Kroměříž, Matěj of Janov, Master Jan Hus and Petr Chelčický. The work presen ts the teachings of these theological and philosophical personalities in the way that they are linked to one another in the issue of eschatology. The individual parts of the work present and...

O período presente entre o começo do século XIV e ano de 1418 é indispensável para a compreensão do cenário religioso-político medieval e para a compreensão das bases do mesmo pensamento na Idade Moderna. Neste período temos a mudança da sede da Igreja Católica de Roma pra Avignon, o retorno da mesma para Roma, a divisão da Igreja em dois grupos, cada um liderado por um papa, o Cisma do Ocidente, cisma esse que dura por décadas. Temos a ampliação do pensamento herético, a conversa entre grupos heterodoxos, e tentativas de conciliação que nem sempre eram absolutas e levavam até mesmo a renúncia do cargo pontifical. Neste período viveu John Wycliffe, professor de teologia em Oxford, tendo produzido uma série de obras em latim e outra ainda maior em inglês. Divulgando seus ideias para o povo e criando seu próprio grupo, os Lolardos. Esse pensador, dialogando com os grandes pensadores católicos e revendo pensamentos de outras heresias anteriores, cria a premissa da impossibilidade de uma igreja que fosse ao mesmo tempo autenticamente cristã e institucionalizada ou poderosa, em sua obra The Wicket. Através de uma argumentação racional e humanista, Wycliffe formulou, de certa forma, a base para a reforma protestante, ao mesmo tempo que precisou ser descartado pela mesma, após seu crescimento nos círculos de poder e institucionalização. A melhor compreensão deste peculiar autor e de sua obra permite não somente compreender melhor o mundo da baixa Idade Média, suas disputas religiosas e políticas, como também aprofundar o conhecimento sobre as bases do pensamento moderno. Além de lançar bases para a própria problematização da estrutura do poder religioso em si, seja ele católico ou não. / The Late Middle Ages, specially the period between 1305 and 1418 is indispensable to understand the political an religious though not only of the medieval people, but for the comprehension of the modern ages. In this small period of time much religious turbulence took place in Western Europe. The capital of the Catholic Church moved to Avignon and then returned to Roma, the Church slipt in two different factions in the Great Western Schism and each group was leaded by a different pope, both of them considering themselves as the sumo pontifce and the only true connection between God and men in earth. The Schism lasts for decades and each pope define the other as the antichrist. In this period the heretical though grown up and the attempts of reconciliations of the groups not always become effective, in matter of fact once even a pope renounced his post. John Wycliffe, professor of Theology in Oxford University, lived in this time. He produced a great number of papers in Latin and a even more great number of papers in middle English. His ideas continued with his followers the Lollards. This great thinker created important dialogues with the other heretical thinkers, being one of the most important pre-reformist theologian and creating the bases of the protestant reform. But the also created the idea that the true Christian church would never be institutionalized neither it could be powerful. In his sermon The Wicket, using humanistic reason, he united the words of Jesus in the Gospels to prove that would be impossible to create a strong institutionalized church. So, this particular paper was also put aside because it was not interesting for the newly created institutionalized church of the 16th century Studding this thinker and his works, specially the Wicket is very important to better understand not only the medieval church, but the institutionalized church of all times.

A crise capitalista pela qual o mundo passa atualmente, com o desmonte dos estados de bem-estar social europeus, nos acende o alerta para analisar com maior profundidade o nosso País e tentar compreender os rumos das suas políticas sociais, notadamente do SUS. Se é verdade que o horizonte estratégico da Reforma Sanitária Brasileira se rebaixou à mera reforma administrativa mas que resultaria no SUS hoje percebemos que mesmo este foi rebaixado ao SUS Possível. São analisadas algumas limitações/escolhas feitas no âmbito teórico e de estratégia política que não sendo os únicos elementos contribuíram para o afastamento dos objetivos estratégicos, entre elas o chamado Dilema Reformista. A partir do resgate de referenciais teóricos do setor saúde e da literatura marxista na qual se baseiam, fundamentalmente gramsciana, construir-se-á uma interpretação crítica do processo à luz dos seus resultados históricos, condicionados pelas arenas políticas internacionais e pela disputa de projetos políticos no Brasil. Apresenta-se a hipótese de que a conformação de um sistema de saúde híbrido, no qual o setor privado mantém o público aprisionado pela sua lógica de acumulação ao que chamamos de Minotauro da saúde guarda relações com as estratégias políticas adotadas, logicamente condicionadas pela dominância do capital financeiro e pelos limites estruturais do Estado Brasileiro. / The capitalist crisis that the world is currently undergoing, with the dismantling of the European welfare-state alerts us to analyze more deeply our country and try to understand the trajectory of its social policies, notably the SUS. If it is true that the strategic horizon of the Brazilian Health Reform is downgraded to mere administrative reform - but that would result in the SUS - today we realize that even this was downgraded to \"SUS as possible.\" Some limitations/choices made in the theoretical framework and political strategy are analyzed - not being the only elements - contributed to the removal of strategic objectives, including the so-called Dilemma Reformer. From the rescue of theoretical health sector benchmarks and Marxist literature in which they are based, fundamentally Gramsci, will be built-critical interpretation under the light of the process of its historical results, conditioned by the internationals policies arenas and the dispute of political projects in Brazil. It presents the hypothesis that the formation of a hybrid health system in which the private sector keeps the public sector trapped by its accumulation logic - to what we call health Minotaur - keep relations with the political strategies adopted, logically conditioned by dominance of finance capital and the structural limits of the Brazilian State.