O período presente entre o começo do século XIV e ano de 1418 é indispensável para a compreensão do cenário religioso-político medieval e para a compreensão das bases do mesmo pensamento na Idade Moderna. Neste período temos a mudança da sede da Igreja Católica de Roma pra Avignon, o retorno da mesma para Roma, a divisão da Igreja em dois grupos, cada um liderado por um papa, o Cisma do Ocidente, cisma esse que dura por décadas. Temos a ampliação do pensamento herético, a conversa entre grupos heterodoxos, e tentativas de conciliação que nem sempre eram absolutas e levavam até mesmo a renúncia do cargo pontifical. Neste período viveu John Wycliffe, professor de teologia em Oxford, tendo produzido uma série de obras em latim e outra ainda maior em inglês. Divulgando seus ideias para o povo e criando seu próprio grupo, os Lolardos. Esse pensador, dialogando com os grandes pensadores católicos e revendo pensamentos de outras heresias anteriores, cria a premissa da impossibilidade de uma igreja que fosse ao mesmo tempo autenticamente cristã e institucionalizada ou poderosa, em sua obra The Wicket. Através de uma argumentação racional e humanista, Wycliffe formulou, de certa forma, a base para a reforma protestante, ao mesmo tempo que precisou ser descartado pela mesma, após seu crescimento nos círculos de poder e institucionalização. A melhor compreensão deste peculiar autor e de sua obra permite não somente compreender melhor o mundo da baixa Idade Média, suas disputas religiosas e políticas, como também aprofundar o conhecimento sobre as bases do pensamento moderno. Além de lançar bases para a própria problematização da estrutura do poder religioso em si, seja ele católico ou não. / The Late Middle Ages, specially the period between 1305 and 1418 is indispensable to understand the political an religious though not only of the medieval people, but for the comprehension of the modern ages. In this small period of time much religious turbulence took place in Western Europe. The capital of the Catholic Church moved to Avignon and then returned to Roma, the Church slipt in two different factions in the Great Western Schism and each group was leaded by a different pope, both of them considering themselves as the sumo pontifce and the only true connection between God and men in earth. The Schism lasts for decades and each pope define the other as the antichrist. In this period the heretical though grown up and the attempts of reconciliations of the groups not always become effective, in matter of fact once even a pope renounced his post. John Wycliffe, professor of Theology in Oxford University, lived in this time. He produced a great number of papers in Latin and a even more great number of papers in middle English. His ideas continued with his followers the Lollards. This great thinker created important dialogues with the other heretical thinkers, being one of the most important pre-reformist theologian and creating the bases of the protestant reform. But the also created the idea that the true Christian church would never be institutionalized neither it could be powerful. In his sermon The Wicket, using humanistic reason, he united the words of Jesus in the Gospels to prove that would be impossible to create a strong institutionalized church. So, this particular paper was also put aside because it was not interesting for the newly created institutionalized church of the 16th century Studding this thinker and his works, specially the Wicket is very important to better understand not only the medieval church, but the institutionalized church of all times.

A crise capitalista pela qual o mundo passa atualmente, com o desmonte dos estados de bem-estar social europeus, nos acende o alerta para analisar com maior profundidade o nosso País e tentar compreender os rumos das suas políticas sociais, notadamente do SUS. Se é verdade que o horizonte estratégico da Reforma Sanitária Brasileira se rebaixou à mera reforma administrativa mas que resultaria no SUS hoje percebemos que mesmo este foi rebaixado ao SUS Possível. São analisadas algumas limitações/escolhas feitas no âmbito teórico e de estratégia política que não sendo os únicos elementos contribuíram para o afastamento dos objetivos estratégicos, entre elas o chamado Dilema Reformista. A partir do resgate de referenciais teóricos do setor saúde e da literatura marxista na qual se baseiam, fundamentalmente gramsciana, construir-se-á uma interpretação crítica do processo à luz dos seus resultados históricos, condicionados pelas arenas políticas internacionais e pela disputa de projetos políticos no Brasil. Apresenta-se a hipótese de que a conformação de um sistema de saúde híbrido, no qual o setor privado mantém o público aprisionado pela sua lógica de acumulação ao que chamamos de Minotauro da saúde guarda relações com as estratégias políticas adotadas, logicamente condicionadas pela dominância do capital financeiro e pelos limites estruturais do Estado Brasileiro. / The capitalist crisis that the world is currently undergoing, with the dismantling of the European welfare-state alerts us to analyze more deeply our country and try to understand the trajectory of its social policies, notably the SUS. If it is true that the strategic horizon of the Brazilian Health Reform is downgraded to mere administrative reform - but that would result in the SUS - today we realize that even this was downgraded to \"SUS as possible.\" Some limitations/choices made in the theoretical framework and political strategy are analyzed - not being the only elements - contributed to the removal of strategic objectives, including the so-called Dilemma Reformer. From the rescue of theoretical health sector benchmarks and Marxist literature in which they are based, fundamentally Gramsci, will be built-critical interpretation under the light of the process of its historical results, conditioned by the internationals policies arenas and the dispute of political projects in Brazil. It presents the hypothesis that the formation of a hybrid health system in which the private sector keeps the public sector trapped by its accumulation logic - to what we call health Minotaur - keep relations with the political strategies adopted, logically conditioned by dominance of finance capital and the structural limits of the Brazilian State.

338f. / Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-17T14:07:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 CANCELA, Francisco. De projeto à processo colonial.pdf: 3605777 bytes, checksum: 9175db2179b394c3fb0a8dc8752a2b5d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2013-10-29T19:45:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 CANCELA, Francisco. De projeto à processo colonial.pdf: 3605777 bytes, checksum: 9175db2179b394c3fb0a8dc8752a2b5d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-10-29T19:45:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CANCELA, Francisco. De projeto à processo colonial.pdf: 3605777 bytes, checksum: 9175db2179b394c3fb0a8dc8752a2b5d (MD5) / Esta pesquisa analisa as experiências vividas por índios, colonos e autoridades régias na antiga Capitania de Porto Seguro, entre a segunda metade do século XVIII e princípios do XIX. Ao mergulhar no contexto de reformas do reinado de d. José I, a pesquisa apresenta um projeto metropolitano que pretendia fazer do atual extremo sul da Bahia um celeiro de víveres para alimentar as principais cidades da América portuguesa. Baseado no aproveitamento da população indígena, a realização deste projeto foi delineada através de um intenso embate entre políticas indigenista e políticas indígenas, evidenciando não apenas a importância da questão indígena para a colonização daquela região, como também as diversas estratégias desferidas pelos índios a fim de conquistarem melhores condições de vida naquela sociedade. Ao analisar como tal projeto se transformou em processo colonial, esta tese assume o desafio de arriscar uma dupla contribuição: de um lado, ajudar a recuperar o papel dos povos indígenas na formação da sociedade baiana; do outro, romper com o ensurdecedor silêncio sobre a história da antiga Capitania de Porto Seguro. This research analyze the Indian, colonist and royal authorities experiences in the former Porto Seguro Captaincy, between the second half of the XVIII century and the early XIX. When diving in the context of d. José I reign reform, the research show a metropolitan project which intend to make the current south extreme Bahia a storehouse of food to feed the major cities in Portuguese America. Based on use of indigenous population, realization of this project was designed through intense shock between indigenist and indigenous policies, showing not only the indigenous issues importance for the region colonization, as well as diverse Indian strategies to achieve better living condition in that society. Examining how this project became a colonial process, this thesis takes on the challenge of risk double contributions: on the one hand, help recover the role of indigenous people in the Bahian society formation; on the other hand, break the deafening silence about the ancient Porto Seguro Captaincy history. / Salvador

イスラーム教育がタイ深南部におけるマレームスリムの統合に対して果たすメカニズムを、現地におけるイスラーム改革派の動向に着目して考察した。イスラームに基づく改革を志向する人々（イスラーム改革派）と伝統文化を重視する人々（伝統派）の間の対立はイスラーム教育の現場においても顕在化している。イスラーム改革派の動きに注目すると、伝統的なイスラームという共通の「敵」という観点からはタイ政府と協働関係が存在すること、タイへのマレームスリムの統合を促進するかのような役割を果たしていることが明らかとなった。 / Thailand, as a Buddhist majority country, has been trying to accommodate its Muslim population in the southernmost provinces in the course of the history over 100 years. Along with the surge in nationalist-separatist discourse, there has been a lack of attention given to the study of Islamic reform and revival in Thailand. This paper shows more diverse and complicated situation based on the existing research through a historical analysis of Thailand's national policies and in-depth interviews conducted in one of the most conservative areas in the southernmost provinces. / 博士(グローバル社会研究) / Doctor of Philosophy in Global Society Studies / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

The subject of the present dissertation is a critique of feminist hermeneutics and exegesis with special focus on Jesus' approach to women. The dissertation commences with a discussion of the topic's relevance and a disclosure of this interpreter's presuppositions. This is followed by a survey of gender-conscious approaches to interpreting Scripture, including feminism, egalitarianism, and complementarianism. Also discussed are the nature of hermeneutics and relevant New Testament passages. The main body of the dissertation consists of a description and critique of the feminist and egalitarian interpretation of Scripture passages setting forth Jesus' approach to women. Chapter 2 starts with a description and assessment of the contributions by three major proponents of radical feminism, Mary Daly, Virginia Ramey Mollenkott, and Daphne Hampson. This is followed by a discussion of the work of reformist feminists Letty Russell, Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza (including a critique of Fiorenza's reconstruction of the place of women in early Christianity), and Rosemary Radford Ruether. Chapter 2 concludes with a treatment of literary approaches by more recent feminist writers. The discussion of egalitarian literature on Jesus and women in Chapter 3 is divided into three periods: the early years (1966-1986); the maturing movement (1987-1999); and recent contributions (2000-2004). Writers whose work is assessed include Krister Stendahl, Letha Scanzoni and Nancy Hardesty, Paul Jewett, Mary Evans, Ben Witherington, Gilbert Bilezikian, Aida Spencer, Richard Longenecker, Grant Osborne, Ruth Tucker, R. T. France, Stanley Grenz, Linda Belleville, William Webb, and others. The final chapter of the dissertation (Chapter 4) contains a discussion of select exegetical insights from a study of New Testament passages on Jesus' approach to women, a comparison of feminist and egalitarian hermeneutics and exegesis of Jesus and women, a proposal concerning a proper hermeneutic on Jesus and women, and a summary of findings as well as a brief presentation of the dissertation's overall contribution and areas for further dialogue. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Systematic Theology)

The subject of the present dissertation is a critique of feminist hermeneutics and exegesis with special focus on Jesus' approach to women. The dissertation commences with a discussion of the topic's relevance and a disclosure of this interpreter's presuppositions. This is followed by a survey of gender-conscious approaches to interpreting Scripture, including feminism, egalitarianism, and complementarianism. Also discussed are the nature of hermeneutics and relevant New Testament passages. The main body of the dissertation consists of a description and critique of the feminist and egalitarian interpretation of Scripture passages setting forth Jesus' approach to women. Chapter 2 starts with a description and assessment of the contributions by three major proponents of radical feminism, Mary Daly, Virginia Ramey Mollenkott, and Daphne Hampson. This is followed by a discussion of the work of reformist feminists Letty Russell, Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza (including a critique of Fiorenza's reconstruction of the place of women in early Christianity), and Rosemary Radford Ruether. Chapter 2 concludes with a treatment of literary approaches by more recent feminist writers. The discussion of egalitarian literature on Jesus and women in Chapter 3 is divided into three periods: the early years (1966-1986); the maturing movement (1987-1999); and recent contributions (2000-2004). Writers whose work is assessed include Krister Stendahl, Letha Scanzoni and Nancy Hardesty, Paul Jewett, Mary Evans, Ben Witherington, Gilbert Bilezikian, Aida Spencer, Richard Longenecker, Grant Osborne, Ruth Tucker, R. T. France, Stanley Grenz, Linda Belleville, William Webb, and others. The final chapter of the dissertation (Chapter 4) contains a discussion of select exegetical insights from a study of New Testament passages on Jesus' approach to women, a comparison of feminist and egalitarian hermeneutics and exegesis of Jesus and women, a proposal concerning a proper hermeneutic on Jesus and women, and a summary of findings as well as a brief presentation of the dissertation's overall contribution and areas for further dialogue. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Systematic Theology)

This thesis delineates the transformation of Iran’s so-called post-revolutionary ‘religious intellectuals’ (rowshanfekran-e dini) from ideological legitimators within the political class of the newly-established theocratic-populist regime to internal critics whose revised vision for the politico-religious order coalesced and converged with the growing disillusionment and frustration of the ‘Islamic left’, a constellation of political forces within the governing elite of the Islamic Republic, that following the death of Ayatollah Khomeini increasingly felt itself marginalised and on the outskirts of power. The historical evolution of this complex, quasi-institutionalised and routinized network, encompassing theologians, jurists, political strategists and journalists, which rose to prominence in the course of the 1990s, and its critical engagement with the ruling political theology of the ‘guardianship of the jurist’, the supremacy of Islamic jurisprudence, political Islamism and all forms of ‘revolutionary’ and ‘utopian’ political and social transformation, are scrutinised in detail. In this vein, the thesis examines the various issues provoked by the rowshanfekran-e dini’s strategic deployment and translation of the concepts and ideas of a number of Western thinkers, several of which played a pivotal role in the assault on the ideological foundations of Soviet-style communism in the 1950s and 1960s. It then moves to show how this network of intellectuals and politicos following the election of Mohammad Khatami to the presidency in May 1997 sought to disseminate their ideas at the popular level by means of the press and numerous party and political periodicals, and thereby achieve ideological and political hegemony. The thesis proceeds to demonstrate the intimate connection between the project of ‘religious intellectualism’ and elite-defined notions of ‘democracy’, ‘electoral participation’, ‘reform’ and ‘political development’ as part of an effort to accumulate symbolic capital and assert their intellectual and moral leadership of the polity.